Nation State : Journal of International Studies
Nation State: Journal of International Studies (NSJIS) is a scientific publication under management of International Relations Department, Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Universitas AMIKOM Yogyakarta in collaboration with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia (AIHII). The journal aims to facilitate the exchange and dissemination of ideas and research in the field of International Relations. The scope of this journal consist of Global Political Economy; Diplomacy and Foreign Policy; Globalization and Global Civil Society; Global Governance; Regional and International Security; or The other topic related to international studies.
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100 Documents
<![CDATA[Peran Indonesia dalam Meningkatkan Daya Saing Produk Kosmetik di Pasar Asean Melalui E-Commerce ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurgiyanti, Tanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Fithriya, Dwi Nur Laela]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 2 No. 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2019v2i2.165
<![CDATA[Trade liberalization has been carried out through the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). Barriers to trade both goods and services are no longer found. Through market trade liberalization, ASEAN countries are increasingly open to competition. E-Commerce trade is a trade that was born due to the development of information technology. Through trade E-Commerce creates opportunities and challenges for countries in Southeast Asia. One product that is widely traded is cosmetics. The cosmetics industry has a strategic opportunity to increase the income of Southeast Asian countries, especially Indonesia. Promising markets, abundant raw materials and the ability to absorb labor are quite a number of industries to be reckoned with. It is interesting to study further the existence of strata that sells cosmetic products both at home and abroad through E-Commerce trading continues to increase. But on the other hand local Indonesian cosmetic products are not able to compete with foreign products. As a result, losses can be experienced by cosmetic products SME entrepreneurs. This study is intended to determine the role of the Indonesian government in enhancing the competitiveness of cosmetic products in the Asean realm as well as regulations that regulate cosmetics trade through the use of e-commerce.]]>
<![CDATA[Tobacco Control Politics in Indonesia: Regional and Global Perspective ]]>
<![CDATA[Paksi, Arie Kusuma]]>;
<![CDATA[Prasetyoningsih, Nanik]]>;
<![CDATA[Sugiyo, Dianita]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 2 No. 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2019v2i2.166
<![CDATA[The study examines tobacco control policies of Indonesia, national and international players, the role of political elite and social demography of smoking. The analysis explains the relation of national and international players associated with the tobacco industry, interest of local community, structural and political powers that limit the legislation on tobacco control. The current situation of smoking and tobacco use in the social system of Indonesia is alarming. Indonesia is the working ground of different multinational brands that have industries and production units of cigarettes. The economic perspectives of the tobacco industry involvement of government and political powers in this industry make it more complex. The study is based on qualitative sources that are evaluated for the tobacco industry and its implications on Indonesian society. The results provide a comprehensive overview of the tobacco industry and the role of different actors that can be regularized by imposing strict legislation. The study also provides recommendations to manage the tobacco industry that will guide the corrective path of reducing tobacco culture in the society.]]>
<![CDATA[The Dynamics of Ethnic Conflict in Southern Province Thailand ]]>
<![CDATA[Firmansah, Andi]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 2 No. 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2019v2i2.167
<![CDATA[This paper explains how the ethnic conflict process that occurred in the Southern Province of Thailand to the process of resolving conflicts between the Government of Thailand and local residents in the Southern Province of Thailand. The conflict is based on the history of the Southern Thailand region between the Thai Government and the Malay Muslim population. Then, it caused conflicting attitudes and behaviors in responding to this conflict from each of the warring parties. This paper uses the concept of the conflict triangle from Johan Galtung where this conflict comes from perceptions based on historical differences, then followed by differences in conflicting behavior from each party and differences in interests. Then, using the concept of the source of conflict from Bernard Meyer, the source of the conflict that comes from historical differences so that it affects how to communicate, emotional reactions, values ??and structures owned. Then, using the concept of the stage of conflict resolution from Johan Galtung, this conflict is at the peacekeeping level where Malaysia is the mediator between the two warring parties. In resolving conflicts, both parties need to change attitudes and behavior in transforming different interests.]]>
<![CDATA[Optimizing the Ability of Aceh Province in Paradiplomacy Practice ]]>
<![CDATA[Novialdi, Risky]]>;
<![CDATA[Rassanjani, Saddam]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i1.169
<![CDATA[This paper analyzes the opportunities for the development of Aceh province in the era of globalization. Paradiplomacy is one of the efforts that can be utilized to develop the Aceh province. Based on the Constitution Number 11 of 2006 on the Aceh government, has given Aceh province considerable authority to develop its territory, including establishing diplomatic relations with the regions others abroad through the Paradiplomacy practice. But, with this considerable authority, Aceh is still the poorest region in Sumatra and the poorest number 6 in Indonesia based on the statistics centre data (BPS) in 2019. This means that Aceh still fails to exploit its social and natural conditions for the development of its territory. In This research we used qualitative method, by gathering previous studies through observation, interviews and data collection. Aceh could utilize the "Tsunami Disaster" to become the initial capital to practice paradiplomacy with other regions abroad. Actually Aceh also has other capital, namely as a former conflict area and also as the best coffee producer in the world. Therefore, Aceh has at least three large capitals to establish cooperation with foreign parties through the paradiplomacy practice, with the concept of sister Province, Sister City.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Politik Domestik terhadap Dinamika Bantuan Luar Negeri Chile ]]>
<![CDATA[Achsin, Muhaimin Zulhair]]>;
<![CDATA[Sisilia, Eveline]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i1.191
<![CDATA[One of the most significant changes in foreign aid issues has been the emerging of several non-tradional donors as providers of foreign aid. One of these new emerging donor countries is Chile, the top five economies (GDP) in Latin America, one of the two of OECD Latin America members, and one of upper-middle income countries. Chile government started designing the foreign aid agency in 1990 through AGCI (The Chilean International Co-operation Agency), in a democracy transition era from Pinochet to Aylwin. This research attempts to analyze how Chile domestic political factors influence changes in the dynamics of Chile’s ODA (Official Development Assistance), from aid-recipient to aid-provider. By using a theory from Lancester, the results are the domestic political factors namely ideas, institutions, interests (interest groups), and organizations influence the dynamic of Chile’s foreign aid. However, the major obstacle in early phase of developing the agendas was coming from the military.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Ketergantungan China-Sri Lanka dalam Proyek Pembangunan Pelabuhan Hambantota Tahun 2007-2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurjayanti, Vivi Ariesta]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i1.195
<![CDATA[The purpose of this research is that the reader can find out the problem of Sri Lanka's dependence on China in the Hambantota Port development project which ultimately ended up as a debt trap. In this research authors used qualitative research methods. And from the results of research that has been done, it is found that basically the cooperation carried out by China and Sri Lanka is a collaboration between hegemon countries and third world countries. Debt trap diplomacy itself has close links with other Chinese policies, namely the Belt and Road Initiative, this policy focuses on infrastructure development which includes the construction of railroad networks, the construction of roads to ports located in the territories of other countries and has a strategic position and will good impact for the achievement of Chinese interests in realizing the "new Silk Road". Sri Lanka proposed cooperation to build the port of Hambantota with the aim of helping to improve Sri Lanka's economy. Cooperation that is expected to have a positive impact on Sri Lanka actually brings disaster, because it leads to a debt trap that makes Sri Lanka must hand over the port of Hambantota to the China’s government.]]>
<![CDATA[Dilema Tata Kelola Pengungsi Global: Penanganan Illegal Maritime Arrivals (IMA) di Australia ]]>
<![CDATA[Maing, Skolastika Genapang]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.203
<![CDATA[Australia as one of the countries that signed the Convention of Refugee 1951 has an obligation to apply principle of non-refoulement in the handling of refugees and asylum seekers entering its territory. However, the issue of national security and domestic turmoil caused Australia to continue use restrictive policies in dealing with refugees and asylum seekers, especially those who came by the sea (boat people) and did not have official documents. They are called Illegal Maritime Arrivals (IMA). Giving the term “illegal” causes no distinction between IMA and smuggling/trafficking criminals. This paper aims to explain the existence of dilemma in the management of refugees especially in Australia in handling IMA. This research uses qualitative methods with secondary data sources from books, journals, articles and other sources related to the problem being studied. By using the concept of securitization approach in the paradigm of constructivism, this paper argue that the restrictive policies adopted by Australia as a form of protection of national interests. Australia experiences a dilemma in applying the principle of non-refoulement and protecting its national interests. This is challenge in the management of global refugees.]]>
<![CDATA[The Matter of Quebec Movement: A Review on Canadian Domestic Politics ]]>
<![CDATA[Al-hasin, FIkry Muhammad Reza]]>;
<![CDATA[Kusumaningrum, Demeiati Nur]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.213
<![CDATA[The Canadian government has succeeded to maintain its political stability by implementing middle-ways approach to face the separatism movement. Parti Quebecois has been the biggest promoter of Quebec sovereign movement. This political party has held referendums to be independent from the central government and managed to gain public attention. This paper aimed to figure out how the series of Quebec sovereign movements affected Canadian domestic politics. It used constructivist approach to explain why the Quebec struggle for independent and how its strategies influence the Canadian domestic structure. The data obtained from library research. This paper examines the effort of Quebec movement consist of (1) creating a political discourse of “self-determinantion”. The social movement transforms into Québécois political party and it visioned to gain territory of the province since the decade of the 1960s; (2) social construction dealing with the issue of French identity as non-Canadian culture. The supports of the idea embedded in the several forms of regulations and propaganda in the public sphere.]]>
<![CDATA[Bilateral Agreement of Indonesia - Japan for Low Carbon Growth Cooperation: An Analysis of the Effectiveness and the Compliance Level ]]>
<![CDATA[Chotimah, Hidayat Chusnul]]>;
<![CDATA[Arisanto, Puguh Toko]]>;
<![CDATA[Pratiwi, Tiffany Setyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.228
<![CDATA[To reduce greenhouse gas emissions, in 2013 Indonesia and Japan agreed to establish bilateral cooperation in Joint Crediting Mechanism (JCM). JCM facilitated and encouraged Japanese institutions (private and state) to cooperate with Indonesian institutions in a form of investment in low-carbon development. This article seeks to analyze the effectiveness of JCM implementation between Indonesia and Japan by using international cooperation effectiveness approach to determine the legal form whether soft law or hard law. The results show that both Indonesia and Japan choose to use soft law in this negotiation which has several benefits. Soft law provides an opportunity for both countries to achieve their goals and it can be used as a tool for negotiation and compromise. This article will also analyze the level of compliance between the two countries through coercion, reciprocity, reputation, and domestic institutions approaches. Authors found that there is no coercion in the form of sanction in implementing JCM; there is a reciprocity allowing JCM to provide financial assistance, transfer of technology and human resource; Indonesia and Japan keep their promises to uphold their international commitments; and domestic institutions play a role in promoting compliance in the low carbon growth partnership between the two countries.]]>
<![CDATA[The Revocation of Kashmir’s Special Status by Narendra Modi Administration in 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Setyorini, Fitri Adi]]>;
<![CDATA[Mukti, Takdir Ali]]>
<![CDATA[ Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.233
<![CDATA[Kashmir has a special status under Article 370 and 35A of the Indian Constitution, which granted special autonomy of Kashmir. The paper examines the reasons behind the Indian government's policy under Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to revoke the special status of Kashmir. The question is, why the Indian government revoked the special status of Kashmir in 2019 when the special status has been entrenched in the last 73 years ago. The objective of this research is to identify the reasons behind the Indian government's policy to revoke the special status of Kashmir. By a qualitative research, the findings show that the existence of economic interests is the background for revoking the special status of Kashmir. The research argues that the Indian business group (Taipan) as a major milestone in the success of Narendra Modi campaigns in 2014 and 2019 elections, demanding the Indian government to eliminate regulatory barriers between the center and the regions, to create a national market without any restrictions. Demands given by Taipan cause the dynamics between the central and local governments. This research is expected to assist the development of international relations in political economy studies.]]>
