Lembaran Sejarah
Lembaran Sejarah is a bilingual academic and peer-reviewed journal on Indonesian and regional history of Southeast Asia. It is part of a long tradition of journal publication of the Department of History at Universitas Gadjah Mada from the 1960s. The journal embraces articles on Indonesian history and historiography and comparative studies that places Indonesian history within local, regional and global contexts. We welcome researchers from any background fields to submit their research articles, book and film reviews in accordance with the journal focus and scope in English and Indonesian. Currently, Lembaran Sejarah accredited in Sinta 4 of Arjuna (Indonesian Indexing Journal).
Articles
184 Documents
<![CDATA[Dari Mukjizat ke Pemerataan: Kajian Ekonomi Petani Indragiri Hulu 1980—2010 ]]>
<![CDATA[Zaiyardan Zubir]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 12, No 2 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.33464
<![CDATA[Indonesian economic development in the Soeharto’s New Order brought a miracle and absolute poverty. In the case of Indragiri Hulu’s community farmer, that miracle looked up from the massive development oil palm plantation as well as the rapid growth of cities and liveliness of population around the plantation area. While absolute poverty was seen from the deprivation and deforestation of hutan lindung (protected forests), hutan larangan (prohibited forests), hutan adat (customary forests), and hutan ulayat also the expropriation of inhabitan’s land without compensation. Moreover, oil palm plantations changed the status of the surrounding community (from landowners to be labourers), eliminated their additional income, then caused bareforests and flood every rainy.]]>
<![CDATA[Ersatz Capitalism in Indonesian Automotive Industry during The New Order Era, 1969—1998 ]]>
<![CDATA[Insan Praditya Anugrah]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 12, No 2 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.33465
<![CDATA[This paper examines a historical trajectory using Kunio Yoshihara’s concept of ersatz capitalism to analyze the development of Indonesian automotive Industry during New Order Era, 1969-1998. The concept analyzes the fact that the ersatz capitalism structure and ersatz capitalists behavior had caused the failure of Indonesian automotive Industry development to achieve self-reliance. Ersatz Capitalism is characterized by patronage between capitalists and bureaucrats, the capitalists reluctance to invest in research and technological development, foreign capital and foreign technology domination, and the domestic capitalists role that act only as a distributor of the manufactured high-technology products of foreign principals instead of doing research and development, in order to seek immediate high profit return with minimum investment. Through the research, this paper analyzes the role of the ersatz capitalists from the various background such as military, Chinese capitalists, and president families and relatives had supported foreign principal domination In Indonesia. Those capitalists are reluctant to support government programs toward self-reliance industry and choose to strengthen their ties with foreign principals, in order to get immediate profit return without much investment and technological research.]]>
<![CDATA[Deregulasi Bursa Efek Jakarta, 1987—1997 ]]>
<![CDATA[Suparjo Rohman]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 12, No 2 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.33466
<![CDATA[This paper discussed about deregulations in Jakarta Stock Exchange on periods 1987-1997 that used history method, that comprise with heuristic, critic, interpretation, and historiography. The purposes about this research are to know historicalback ground and the impacts of government’s deregulations toward Jakarta Stock Exchange in 1987 until 1997. The Jakarta Stock Exchange that has activated by Soeharto’s Era have purposes to create equity distribution income. In efforts to achieve this goal, the government set up some rules about capital markets. In practice, these rules caused the Jakarta Stock Exchange experienced a decline. To solve the causeds, the government make deregulation of capital market. Deregulation aimed to eliminating overly burdensome regulation of capital markets. The Deregulation of capital markets is Paket Desember 1987, Paket Desember 1988, SK Menteri Keuangan No. 1055/KMK.013/1989 and S.K. Menteri Keuangan No. 1548/KMK.013/1990. The impact of deregulation, Jakarta Stock Exchange experienced a boom in 1987-1989. In the long-period impact, Jakarta Stock Exchange is open for foreign investors and then subjected to privatization.]]>
<![CDATA[Coffee Economy in Late Colonial Netherlands East Indies: Estates and Capital, 1890–1940 ]]>
<![CDATA[Dias Pradadimara]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 13, No 1 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.33509
<![CDATA[This paper provides an attempt to look at the coffee economy in late colonial Netherlands East Indies, by focusing on the private estates that produced coffee and on the capital-owning class who invested in these estates. Since mid-19th century there was an increasing accessibility for would-be planters to gain access to land, especially in Java and Sumatra. Attracted to the increasing, if volatile, the world price of the commodity, coffee-producing estates were established in great numbers across the archipelago, despite the threat of the coffee leaf rust plantdisease. Only the attraction to rubber planting and the economic crisis in the 1930s dampened the enthusiasm. At the same time, the individual planters and Indiesbased companies who controlled most of the coffee producing estates in the late 19th century were gradually replaced by incorporated companies both based in the Indies and in the Netherlands. The increasing flow of capital following the rubber boom in the early 20th century made the role of individual planters and Indiesbased companies declined further.]]>
<![CDATA[Dualisme Pajak di Jawa: Administrasi Pajak Tanah di Wilayah Vorstenlanden pada Masa Kolonial, 1915–1942 ]]>
<![CDATA[Abdul Wahid]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 13, No 1 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.33510
<![CDATA[Land tax (landrent) was first introduced by British Ruler, Thomas Raffles in 1811/1812, but was later retained by the Government of the Dutch East Indies until the end of its power in 1942. The long history of applying this tax has led to various dynamics from continuous administrative reforms to socio-political resistance from the taxpayer (community). In general, the application of land tax adapted to local economic and political conditions to make it work effectively and efficiently. In the autonomous region of vorstenlanden, the application of land tax became the pull out field of political authority between the Dutch East Indies Colonial Government and the traditional Governments of the Yogyakarta and Surakarta palaces, both of which share political and administrative powers in their respective territories. On the one hand this condition leads to dualism administrative, because the land tax operates as a central tax and local tax, thus potentially causing double tax burdens for local communities. This article seeks to critically examine how the pull out of land tax administration in vorstenlanden and how far the tax became part of the political relations of the colonial state with the indigenous traditional state.]]>
<![CDATA[Malaise dan Lambang Kekayaan Ekonomi Penguasa Lokal di Palembang, 1929–1942 ]]>
<![CDATA[Dedi Irwanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 13, No 1 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.33511
<![CDATA[This is an article on economic history, particularly on the economic growth of Palembang’sUluan local elites. But the main focus of the article is to understand and interpret other phenomenon that appeared as the product of that economic growth; its social-cultural implications that was present as a social reality of those economic conditions. It focuses on the creation of emblems of symbolic power in its political and economic manifestations. The emblems of economic wealth is seen as a symbol. As a symbol, this emblem represented meanings with several important functions, not merely as material collection, but also through a sociocultural lense; as the effort to create and contest with its peers or as an asimilative or adaptive process and a process of resistance to other groups that are ‘above’ its structure. The symbolic emblems of local power changed during the depression era of 1929. In a period where significant amount of wealth was lost, theuluan Palembang bucked the trend and appeared as new money (orang kaya baru) with all their new atributes of wealth.]]>
<![CDATA[Same Fate, Different Choices: Decolonization in Vietnam and Indonesia, 1945–1960s ]]>
<![CDATA[Pham van Thuy]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 13, No 1 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.33519
<![CDATA[The purpose of this study is to sketch out the similarities and differences in the process of decolonization in Indonesia and Vietnam during the period from the 1930s to the early 1960s, with special attention to the political and economic aspects. Both countries shared similarities in that they were the first countries to declare independence in Southeast Asia from the Japanese and that they were highly revolutionized during the occupation. Both countries had the most violent and complete colonial break in comparison to other Southeast Asian countries. Yet, there were some major differences within the process of decolonization, especially during the final phase. Indonesia opted for a diplomatic peace process and eventually obtained a transfer of sovereignty from the Netherlands in late 1949, while Vietnam continued military struggle against the French until 1954. This resulted in highly different patterns of the economic decolonization, such as the process of nationalization, the government policies concerning foreign investments and the extent of state control over the economy. French businesses in Vietnam were ruined in the North following the withdrawal of French army in 1954-1955. Their remaining assets in South Vietnam were shortly also taken over by the Diem government. Meanwhile, the Dutch continued to dominate the Indonesian economy after the transfer of sovereignty. It was not until the late 1950s that Dutch firms were seized and finally nationalized by the Indonesian government.]]>
<![CDATA[Strategies of Rent Seeking during The Sukarno Period: Foreigners and Corruption, 1950–1965 ]]>
<![CDATA[Farabi Fakih]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 13, No 1 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.33523
<![CDATA[This articles tries to analyze the corruption strategy that was becoming institutionalized during the Liberal Democracy (1950-1957) and Guided Democracy (1957-1965) period and how the state dealt with these challenges through managerial strategies. Corruption here is seen as a discourse that are often used by new state elite entrant to discredit old elites, especially those with connection to the financial or economic policy makers. The position of foreigners here are central because they provide opportunities for asset transfer or the creation of new assets. By looking at the financial transition from Liberal Democracy to Guided Democracy, the forms of transfer or asset production through corruption or collusion could be discerned.]]>
