Global South Review
Global South Review is a social and political journal that aimed to provide academic and policy platform to exchange views, research findings, and dialogues within the Global South and between the Global North and the Global South. Global South Review examines all the issues encountered by Global South in the context of current international justice, security, and order. The journal focuses, but not exclusively, on the role of Global South in global politics; the rise, demise, and possible revival of South-South internationalism and Bandung Spirit; and the dynamics of relations between Global South and Global North. Authors may submit research articles and book reviews in related subjects.
Articles
132 Documents
<![CDATA[ADB's Role towards Energy Infrastructure Development: Case of Post-COVID-19 Pandemic in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Ferdian Ahya Al Putra]]>
<![CDATA[ Global South Review Vol 3, No 1 (2021): Global South Review ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Institute of International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.68419
<![CDATA[ADB is a strategic partner for Indonesia in Development. Public sector management and energy are two sectors that the both parties focus on. On the last few years, Indonesia focusses on the climate change, therefore energy infrastructure is being pursued by Indonesia in order to develop the renewable energy. Unfortunately, in the midst of pursuing this goal, Indonesia is facing the COVID-19 Pandemic that affect various sectors in Indonesia. The pandemic gave impacts on infrastructure development in Indonesia, including energy infrastructure. This research examines the ADB's Approach towards Energy Infrastructure Development in Indonesia, specified on case of post-COVID-19 Pandemic. This research applied descriptive qualitative method and used international organization theory for analysis. Moreover, this research used the literature study technique to obtain the relevant data. The result shows Indonesia and ADB have cooperation on handling COVID-19 Pandemic. But, cooperation on infrastructure development still being the priority of both parties. Both parties seek for solution for economic recovery without sacrificing project on infrastructure development, especially on energy sector.]]>
<![CDATA[New Developmentalism and the EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism: Policy Options for the Global South ]]>
<![CDATA[Ikhlas Tawazun]]>;
<![CDATA[Natasya Dewi Shafira]]>
<![CDATA[ Global South Review Vol 3, No 1 (2021): Global South Review ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Institute of International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.68420
<![CDATA[The Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), put forward by the European Union (EU), appeared as a new environmental trade policy that holds significance to the Global South. It necessitates the Global South countries to make changes in their development strategies to not only adapt to the CBAM, but to the overall shifting of the world’s economic growth pattern and sustainable development agenda from which it emerged. Against this backdrop, this article addresses how the Global South can adapt to the CBAM in particular and the larger pressure to transition to a more sustainable growth and development. This article uses qualitative methodology with data acquired through extensive desk research. Findings of this article show that new developmentalism is well suited to enhance the needed policy changes as the Global South can leverage its already-existing state capacity to effectively steer the transformation towards a more sustainable growth. This article is also equipped with possible policy options for the Global South as close examinations towards existing development policies of several Global South countries still list several challenges.]]>
<![CDATA[Collective Actions and Challenges Analysis on Management of the Mekong River as Common Pool Resources ]]>
<![CDATA[Ni Nyoman Clara Listya Dewi]]>
<![CDATA[ Global South Review Vol 3, No 1 (2021): Global South Review ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Institute of International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.68422
<![CDATA[The countries of the Indochinese peninsula think that the Mekong River is a shared resource that must be managed through cooperation between countries. However, because many countries exploit the resources in the Mekong River, it triggers an increase in environmental degradation. This phenomenon has prompted the establishment of the 1995 Mekong Agreement and the Mekong River Commission (MRC) which aims to agree on cooperation in sustainable development, conservation, and management of resources in river areas. However, as an upstream country, China did not want to join the Mekong River Commission. In fact, China initiated a new collaboration called the Lancang Mekong Cooperation Mechanism (LMCM) in 2016. In the concrete, China has implemented a mega dam construction project which is considered to be a contributor to environmental degradation. By utilizing Garret Hardin's (1968) views on the tragedy of the commons, this paper analyses the challenges, collective actions and efforts of countries in the Mekong River region in overcoming river management and the sources of the tragedy of the commons. Through several characteristics in the management of shared resources by Ostrom (1990) this paper finds that arrangements for shared resources are important to be systematically arranged by the government to prevent the tragedy of the commons. Institutions at the local level are very important to be able to develop appropriate institutional structures that are adapted to the social and economic life of the people along the Mekong River.]]>
<![CDATA[From Friction to Acceleration: China’s Ambition for a Post-Pandemic Tianxia World Order ]]>
<![CDATA[Demas Nauvarian]]>;
<![CDATA[Filasafia Marsya Ma'rifat]]>
<![CDATA[ Global South Review Vol 3, No 1 (2021): Global South Review ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Institute of International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.69759
<![CDATA[This paper explores the relation between the Covid-19 pandemic and China’s peaceful rise. In March 2020, the Covid-19 virus outbreak was declared by World Health Organization (WHO) as a global pandemic that knows no boundaries. While China received an enormous spotlight for being the ground-zero of the pandemic, China has managed to control the pandemic effectively. Not only that, China has also even been able to help other countries by providing Covid-19 assistance to other countries in need. More significantly, however, China was in a unique position when the pandemic hit—it was in a critical period for its rising era. China’s rise has been framed as a ‘peaceful rise’ (heping jueqi). On the other hand, the pandemic forced China to re-think its national power usage while still striving to achieve an idealized order of Tianxia—all-under-heaven. This research analyses how China’s pandemic cooperation is utilized in a greater framework of peaceful rise to accelerate the establishment of Tianxia world order. This research argues that the pandemic served as a critical juncture for the status-quo liberal international order, and China took the opportunity to indirectly disrupt the order. This is evident through two main pillars of China’s pandemic cooperation: (1) asserting self-reliance by strengthening national response; (2) establishing cooperation to put China as a ‘middle kingdom.’ This research concludes that China, in some ways, successfully transform the pandemic from friction to an acceleration factor for its peaceful rise.]]>
<![CDATA[China’s National Interest in Providing Assistance to Indonesia in Handling the Covid-19 Pandemic: Normative and Material ]]>
<![CDATA[Anisa Risanti Suhita]]>;
<![CDATA[Filasafia Marsya Ma’rifat]]>;
<![CDATA[Trisni Salsa Ramadina]]>
<![CDATA[ Global South Review Vol 3, No 1 (2021): Global South Review ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Institute of International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.69867
<![CDATA[The scarcity of medical equipment has been inevitable since the Covid-19 pandemic emerged in 2020. Developing countries, part of the Global South, might have unfortunate conditions due to their lack of medical equipment. As part of the Global South, China has been providing assistance, having Indonesia as one of its main recipients. This study focuses on China’s assistance and vaccine cooperation with Indonesia during the COVID-19 pandemic. Since the earlier outbreak, China has provided Indonesia with multiple assistance, such as PCR test kits, medical and N95 masks, Personal Protective Equipment (PPE), and then engaging on vaccine development. The study recognizes two types of interests, the normative and material ones, shaping China’s motives. By analysing both interests, it is found that the cooperation between China and Indonesia shows that China has allowed Indonesia to be actively involved in dealing with the impact of the global pandemic. In addition to solidarity (normative interest), China’s assistance is also a form of its effort to pursue economic expansion (material interest). ]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia's Interest in The South-South Triangular Cooperation (SSTC) Policy to Fiji during Joko Widodo’s 2014-2019 Government ]]>
<![CDATA[Ica Cahayani]]>
<![CDATA[ Global South Review Vol 3, No 1 (2021): Global South Review ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Institute of International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.70998
<![CDATA[This study was conducted to explain Indonesia's interests in the South-South Triangular Cooperation (SSTC) policy towards Fiji in the Joko Widodo administration in 2014-2019. This study uses the theory of national interest and foreign policy. The research method used is descriptive qualitative. The research method is used to explain and explore Indonesia's interests through the SSTC's policy towards Fiji with three interests, namely economic, political and security interests. The results showed that Indonesia chose Fiji as a country to implement the SSTC policy because Fiji is one of the south Pacific countries, especially Melanesian countries and Indonesia still failed to carry out diplomacy with Vanuatu. Fiji is a country that has an important role in the internal organization of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), Fiji's involvement is very large in making MSG policies, because Indonesia's goal of being included in the MSG requires a major country that has an important role in the MSG, Besides Indonesia having economic interests, Fiji provides opportunities big for economic development and new market share for Indonesia in the south Pacific region, considering that this region is very strategic, this region has become the location of a trade war between China and the United States. Indonesia's strategy to gain economic, political and security interests by providing through the implementation of the SSTC policy is a form of great concern for Fiji.]]>
<![CDATA[The Effort of State and Non-State Actors in Ensuring Access to Primary and Secondary Education for Indonesian Citizens in Singapore ]]>
<![CDATA[Diah Ayu Wulandari]]>
<![CDATA[ Global South Review Vol 4, No 1 (2022): Global South Review ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Institute of International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.80403
<![CDATA[Singapore’s Ministry of Education (MOE) policy in the Singapore local schools admission that places international students as the last priority after Singapore citizens and Permanent Residents, coupled with the expensive school fees for international students are the main problems in accessing primary and secondary education faced by Indonesian citizens in Singapore. Efforts from various parties are needed to ensure the fulfillment of access to primary and secondary education for Indonesian Citizens in Singapore. This research explores state and non-state actors' efforts to ensure access to primary and secondary education for Indonesian citizens in Singapore. Data collection was obtained through interviews and a literature review. This research shows that multi-track diplomacy is established between state actors consisting of the Indonesian Embassy in Singapore and Indonesian State-Owned Enterprises as representative of track 1, and non-state actors consist of professionals (track 2), entrepreneurs (track 3), and college students (track 5). The multi-track diplomacy is reflected in the establishment of Sekolah Indonesia (Singapura) Ltd. and Pusat Kegiatan Belajar Masyarakat (PKBM) KBRI Singapura. The multi-track diplomacy is established because of shared values of humanitarianism. The collaboration of multi-track diplomacy and the spirit of humanitarianism has received positive responses from Singapore Government agencies and educational institutions, which aim to improve the quality of education at Sekolah Indonesia (Singapura) Ltd. and PKBM KBRI Singapura.]]>
<![CDATA[Global South Perspective on the Threat to Multilateralism in G20 Post-Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine ]]>
<![CDATA[Maudy Noor Fadhlia]]>;
<![CDATA[Azza Bimantara]]>
<![CDATA[ Global South Review Vol 4, No 1 (2022): Global South Review ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Institute of International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.80982
<![CDATA[The G20 is set up to foster cooperation among states while sharing common principles and values. Even though it was first created to handle the global financial crisis, G20 has become a big multilateral forum covering other strategic developmental issues. At the beginning of this year, Russia's invasion of Ukraine came unexpectedly and created commotion among the G20 members. Some members assume it threatens multilateralism in G20 since Russia ignores international law. This paper uses a qualitative approach through a case study, collects the data from a literature review, and looks at different dimensions of multilateralism. Furthermore, the discussion will focus on the perspective of the Global South regarding the multilateralism crisis by overviewing the characteristics of multilateralism in crisis. The result of this paper indicates that the division among the West, Russia, China, and other members showed that the consensus and compliance in G20 no longer exist. It is considered a sign of the deficit of multilateralism where Russia and the West challenged and then pressured the multilateral system. On the other hand, most Global South countries took a different perspective and stance when the West and its allies heavily condemned Russia. While the other countries busily try to expel Russia from G20, the Global South representative countries remain neutral to maintain their relationship with the superpowers. The different perspectives and actions among the G20 members emphasize the crisis of multilateralism that reflects a battle of narratives.]]>
<![CDATA[THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN BRICS AND G7 IN RESPONDING TO THE UKRAINE-RUSSIA CRISIS: G20 MULTILATERAL CRISIS? ]]>
<![CDATA[Ica Cahayani]]>;
<![CDATA[Ahmad Mujaddid Fachrurreza]]>;
<![CDATA[Agata Nina Puspita]]>
<![CDATA[ Global South Review Vol 4, No 1 (2022): Global South Review ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Institute of International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.81003
<![CDATA[Introduction/Main Objective: This research discusses the differences in BRICS and G7 responses to the Ukraine-Russia conflict, where these two groups consist of countries with different political interests. Following the results of the G7 and BRICS Summits, both responded differently to the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Background Problem: Differences in response are proposed because the G20 has the vision to achieve the resolution of policy issues on problems that hinder world economic growth, one of which is the food crisis caused by the Uraina-Russia conflict. The selection of the G7 and BRICS's different responses is the right strategy to determine how much potential the G20 has. It is difficult to achieve its goal of providing solutions for the world economy thanks to the structure of its members, who have diverse interests and responses to the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Novelty: This study uses interest-based theory to analyze the differences in the responses of the G7 and BRICS. This theory seeks to explain the formation of the G20's international regime by dismantling aspects of the fundamental interests behind the cognitive states that decided to establish the international regime of the G20. Method: The method used in this research is the discourse analysis method in a case set because this study wants to see changes in discourse related to the multilateral G20. Findings/Results: The complexity of trading, namely the BRICS and G7, with different responses and interests in responding to the Ukrainian crisis, can encourage a multilateralism crisis in the G20. The research results prove that the complexity of reporting generates different interests, so the response to the Ukrainian-Russian crisis tends to differ. Conclusion: The G20 has not been able to overcome the different interests of its members in solving the problem of the world food crisis because the discussion of the world food crisis is linked to the discussion of Ukrainian-Russian security politics.]]>
