Articles
195 Documents
<![CDATA[Increasing Participation of Non-State Actors in ASEAN: Problems and Options ]]>
<![CDATA[Ludiro Madu]]>;
<![CDATA[Hestutomo Restu Kuncoro]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.2
<![CDATA[This article aims to assess ASEAN's commitment to enhancing the role of non-state actors that has emerged since the late 1990s. There is a tendency that grassroots social movement activists do not seem to have an official forum in ASEAN. Although some non-state actors have gained access to ASEAN, this privilege is largely granted to business interest groups and elite think-tanks. This research applied qualitative method by using the concept of historical institutionalization, this paper seeks to explain the characteristics of an institution using events that occurred in the past during the process of creating and consolidating institutions. The concept is also responsive to explaining ---and, in some cases, even prescribing--- changes. The study found that the increased participation of non-state actors will increase ASEAN's legitimacy in carrying out its growing role in the region. This article contributes to offer some options that ASEAN must cultivate to improve participation of non-state actors. Keywords: ASEAN, historical institutionalism, non-state actors, participatory regionalism]]>
<![CDATA[Pergeseran Paradigma dalam Disabilitas ]]>
<![CDATA[Meilanny Budiarti Santoso]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurliana Cipta Apsari]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 1 No 2 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v1n2.6
<![CDATA[Paradigm shift in understanding disabilities need to be delivered in line with the spirit of reformation and democratization lies on strengthening fundamental pillars of human rights. This article is using literature and documentation study. The paradigm in addressing or providing services to people with disabilites have shifted, starting with The Traditional model, which was charity in nature, shifted toward The Individual Model – Medical Model, emphasizing rehabilitation for disabilities population. The second model were felt insufficient to eliminate the obstacles dealt by the disabilities, thus the professionals developed the third paradigm, which is The Social Model, where focus of services are meant to create social change – community change. Currently, services for disabilites population are based on the Inclusion Model, which is inclusive development – inclusive society. The inclusive approach is utilized to present the disabilities population in the lives of the community, thus accomodating more of human rights of the disabilites population.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Indonesia Dalam Perdagangan Kayu Ke Uni Eropa : Studi Kasus Penundaan Implementasi Lisensi FLEGT ]]>
<![CDATA[Riska Putri Hariyadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurul Isnaeni]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.2
<![CDATA[Indonesia is the first country that has successfully issued FLEGT (Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade) license, a market based international regulation system initiated by European Union to encourage sustainable forest management particularly in developing countries. This success story is considered as the achievement of Indonesia's economic diplomacy despite of the fact that Indonesia had previously postponed its policy to join the FLEGT mechanism during the negotiation process with European Union from 2015 to 2016. This article aims to analyze the factors contributing to Indonesia's changing position during the negotiation process by applying the qualitative research approach and single case study method. The theory of Economic Diplomacy from Stephen Woolcock (2016) is used as the analytical framework. This article argues that there are systemic, domestic and ideational factors affecting Indonesia's policy changes to respond to FLEGT license mechanism. The research finds that the factors consist of the asymmetric relation between Indonesia and the European Union in the implementation of FLEGT, the policy incoherence between Indonesia’s national agencies involved, and the distinguished perception between actors involved in the process. This study concludes that in the case of Indonesia, the three factors outlined by the Woolcock’s theory have concertedly contributed, however the critical linkages between interest and institution variables related to the decision-making process at domestic level have proven to significantly shape the final stance of Indonesia in economy diplomacy.]]>
<![CDATA[Tantangan Intelijen dalam Kontra-Terorisme di Indonesia: Suatu Pandangan ]]>
<![CDATA[Emil Mahyudin]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 1 No 1 (2016): Inaugural Edition ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v1n1.3
<![CDATA[The September 11th 2001 attact in the United States has become the world’s turning point, from how terrorism actors operate globally through networks to how states and international relations actors response towards it. This article about the challenges for intellegence in counter-terrorism in Indonesia and the preventive actions needed especially in the use of information technollogy, as the form of detection effort and early warning for the terrors. Through the literature reviews, it is found that in practice the Indonesians intellegence activities are tend to not well organized from one institution to another because of the trust-deficit, overlapping activities and accuration of intellegence, and the lack of concrete actions in eliminating the terrorism threats in cyber sphere. It can be concluded that the comprehensive and integrative efforts are needed in organizing the intelligence in Indonesia. On the other hand, the national strategy on counter-terrorism in cyber area through the comprehensive use of information technology on the cyber terrorism threats.]]>
<![CDATA[Resistensi Terbuka International Freedom Battalion (IFB) terhadap ISIS di Suriah ]]>
<![CDATA[Falhan Hakiki]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 3 No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v3n2.6
<![CDATA[This article aims to find out the resistance of the International Freedom Battalion (IFB) movement against Islamic State of Iraq and Suriah (ISIS) in Syria. Through qualitative research methods with an analytical descriptive approach, and also the conceptual framework of social movements and resistance, can be identified and explained the forms of actions carried out by IFB to resist ISIS domination in Syria. The author found that the existence of IFB resistance to ISIS was motivated by the existence of three dominations carried out by ISIS, namely material domination, status domination, and ideological domination. IFB resistance measures include two elements in it, namely action and opposition. Action from IFB's resistance action in the form of a series of military actions in 2015-2017 against three ISIS dominations. While opposition from IFB's resistance actions included resistance to the occupation of the territory carried out by ISIS, resistance to the stamp of takfiri ISIS, and resistance to the ideology of the new style of ISIS in order to defend the Rojava Revolution.]]>
<![CDATA[Hambatan bagi Shanghai Cooperation Organization untuk Membuka Jalan Menuju Supranasionalisme ]]>
<![CDATA[Mahbi Maulaya]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic/v5n2.4
<![CDATA[Considering that the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) successfully brings forth intensive cooperation and prompts great intimacy among its members, many states perceive SCO as a promising regional organization for bridging their interests and shouldering their burden. Consequently, participation within SCO has expanded with the arrival of several new members and participants. Having in mind that its notoriety grown by leaps and bounds, can SCO increase its capability and competence as a regional organization by becoming a supranational one? Can SCO input supranationalism norms and values into its mechanism? This study argues that it is futile for us to expect that SCO possesses supranational capacity. The argument derives from the fact that SCO is the agent designed to safeguard its member’s sovereignty, and it consists of stubborn hegemonic power with bold nationalism. This study generated the aforementioned assessment by addressing the idea of supranationalism and implementing qualitative research and library research method.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Pariwisata Halal Nusa Tenggara Barat ]]>
<![CDATA[Alfawi Ridho Subarkah]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 2 No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v2n2.6
<![CDATA[This article discusses the growing trend of halal tourism in the world, including in Indonesia. By using qualitative method and conceptions of public diplomacy and nation branding, the results of this study show a model of halal tourism applied in West Nusa Tenggara. In this model, there are two indicators: halal certification requirements for tourism products and services as well as emphasizement of community involvement as the main actors of public diplomacy. In its development, this effort managed to attract tourist visits each year, also attract foreign investors to invest in halal tourism. Through the review of the model and its accomplishment, it can be stated that halal tourism is a new form of Indonesia’s public diplomacy.]]>
<![CDATA[Rasionalisasi Ekonomi Politik Lingkungan dalam EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA) ]]>
<![CDATA[Rafsyanjani Mohammad]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v5n1.6
<![CDATA[This research aims to explain the rationale behind the inclusion of “Paris Agreement clause†in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA) which has been in force since 2019. Especially this research will analyze various political economy factors from EU’s perspective which influence the inclusion of such clause. The author uses Environmental Political Economy “Institutionalist†perspective which argues that conflictual relationship between trade and environment issues can be resolved through institutionalism approach which emphasizes the existence of international agreements, regulations, and governances in bilateral, regional, and global levels. Furthermore, this article discovers that such political economy factors can be found from economy benefits potential offered by trade liberalization and EU’s participation in Paris Agreement global climate change governance. These two factors are closely interrelated and together determine EU’s rationale in the inclusion of Paris Agreement clause into this trade agreement with Japan.]]>
<![CDATA[Armenian and Azerbaijan Diasporic Nationalism Manifestation in Nagorno-Karabakh ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahayu Agustina Hamonangan Simangunsong]]>;
<![CDATA[Ani W. Soetjipto]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.7
<![CDATA[This article aims to see how the diasporas’ nationalist ideas are manifested in the homelands’ conflict through a comparative case study of the Armenian and Azerbaijani diasporic nationalism in the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict. Factors affecting the efficacy of diasporic activity from Shain & Barth (2003) is used as the conceptual framework within which the comparison is conducted. The result of this case study indicates that the manifestation of Armenian diasporic nationalism tends to be radical while Azerbaijani diasporic nationalism tends to be moderate. In conclusion, this case study finds that there are various aspects other than nationalism that influence the dynamics of diaspora activism and need deeper investigation, for example by integrating approaches that are sensitive to the experiences of marginalized groups such as feminism and postcolonialism in the diaspora studies.Keywords: diaspora, diasporic nationalism, international relations]]>
