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195 Documents
<![CDATA[Lobi Israel dalam Kebijakan Luar Negeri Amerika Serikat ke Timur Tengah ]]>
<![CDATA[Iqbal Ramadhan]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 1 No 2 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v1n2.5
<![CDATA[This research was conducted based on a research problem that discussed about the role of pro-Israeli lobby groups which dominated US foreign policy in the Middle East. The research focused on US foreign policy during George W. Bush’s regime. At that time, US foreign policy in the Middle East was giving a favorable outcome for Israeli government. The researcher used qualitative method and case study analysis in this research. The concept and theory harnessed foreign policy concept from Lovell and pluralist lobby theory. The result of this research was Israel’s lobby groups were an input in decision making process as an interest. The lobby played its role as the main source of information which were used by US government as a foreign policy domestic input. They had financial and political power that were able to lobby both directly and indirectly. Keyword: Foreign policy, decision making process, Israel’s lobby]]>
<![CDATA[Strategi Global Civil Society di Level Lokal: Kasus Earth Hour Malang ]]>
<![CDATA[Najamuddin Khairur Rijal]]>;
<![CDATA[Palupi Anggraheni]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 4 No 1 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v4n1.3
<![CDATA[This article examines Earth Hour Malang as a strategy of global civil society at the local level in campaigning green living and encouraging public awareness for the environment. By using global civil society conceptualization, visibility, and audibility strategies, primary data was collected through interviews with Earth Hour Malang activists as well as documentation studies on various Earth Hour Malang’s social media, also supported with secondary data. The results indicates that Earth Hour Malang carries out an active, consistent and continuous visibility and audibility strategy by taking various direct actions (offline) and online through various instruments, such as social media, radio, video, and television. This article contributes to studies related to the existence of global civil society at the local level.]]>
<![CDATA[Psikologi dalam Hubungan Internasional : Dari Idiografi ke Neurobiologi ]]>
<![CDATA[Arry Bainus]]>;
<![CDATA[Junita Budi Rachman]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.1
<![CDATA[Banyak peristiwa internasional pada saat perang atau damai, yang menjadi hirauan studi Hubungan Internasional (HI), tak lepas dari dimensi psikologis di dalamnya sepanjang manusia terlibat dan terdampak baik sebagai subjek maupun objek dan secara individu, kolektif maupun yang diinstitusionalkan sebagai negara. Psikologi, seperti HI, secara inheren tertarik pada hubungan manusia. Perbedaan antara Psikologi dan HI adalah fokus analisisnya. HI secara tradisional berfokus terutama pada negara, sedangkan Psikologi secara tradisional berfokus pada individu. Namun, garis di antara keduanya tidak ditarik secara ketat, yang membuka ruang untuk fertilisasi silang dan inspirasi timbal balik.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran ASEAN Merespons Kerja Sama Militer Amerika Serikat dan Filipina Terkait Konflik Laut Cina Selatan ]]>
<![CDATA[Abdul Musyawardi Chalid]]>;
<![CDATA[Dudy Heryadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Nuraeni Suparman]]>;
<![CDATA[Arfin Surdirman]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 1 No 1 (2016): Inaugural Edition ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v1n1.2
<![CDATA[ASEAN is facing a complex problem when the interverence of two great powers, China and United States of America, expanded their influences in Southeast Asia. Both states gave their influence in the dynamic of South China Sea dispute. One of ASEAN member states that has interest on the claim of South China Sea was the Philippines. The Philippines and United States of America military cooperation triggered China to give their responses and made the conflict resolution became more complicated. This research aim to look at ASEAN role in dealing with the problem of two great powers related to one of ASEAN member. This research was using qualitative method. The research used the concept of the role of international organization. Analysis was conducted by using data interpretation on literature review.]]>
<![CDATA[Japan Military Export Ban Lift in 2014 Under Shinzo Abe Administration ]]>
<![CDATA[Rafyoga Jehan Pratama Irsadanar]]>;
<![CDATA[Tulus Warsito]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 3 No 1 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v3n1.6
<![CDATA[This article analyzes Japan’s interest in revoking its self-imposed military export ban in 2014 despite of its decades-long lucrative pacifism. The pacifism implementations includes partial and total military export ban, consecutively in 1967 and 1976. To puzzle out the question, this journal article utilized “Balance of Power†Concept by Morgenthau. This article found out that Shinzo Abe grand vision to transfer and export weaponries is balancing People’s Republic of China assertiveness in East China Sea by (1) reinforcing military alliances and (2) enhancing internal armaments. The alliances were strengthened by distributing weaponries to states in tension with People’s Republic of China and fortifying military industry cooperation with United States. The domestic military buildup was expected to escalate as arm export stimulated their domestic defense industry development. That includes the economic growth stimulus under Abenomics, in which also aimed to increase the military budget that leads to more robust defense.]]>
<![CDATA[Assessing Russia's Military Strategy in the Eastern Mediterranean through the Establishment of an A2/AD (Anti-Access/Anti Denial Zone) ]]>
<![CDATA[Militia Christi Pandelaki]]>;
<![CDATA[Anak Agung Banyu Perwita]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic/v5n2.3
<![CDATA[The Eastern Mediterranean has long been the area of interests of Russia’s military power. Referring to one of the on-going armed conflicts in the region, Russia has expanded its claws by militarily intervening in Syria to prevent the regime from collapsing. As the only left arbiter in the war who prioritize a political settlement in Syria, although there are various interests between the actors that involved, Russia has decided to involve in several military operations with Turkey. As the meaning to actualize its interest in operating an anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) zone in the Eastern Mediterranean, Russia is taking Turkey as its significant partner to simplify and to secure its interest in establishing an A2/AD zone. By analyzing several primary and secondary data, this research concluded that Russia’s goals have been divided into two, first is the short-term goal which is to keep Assad in power. Second, the long term goal which is to deter the influence of the Western by deploying its advanced armed forces in the Eastern Mediterranean.]]>
<![CDATA[Urgensi Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) dalam Diplomasi Maritim Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Ludiro Madu]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 2 No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v2n2.5
<![CDATA[This article examines the recent trend of increasing confidence in President Joko Widodo's administration to conduct multilateral diplomacy in order to complement bilateral diplomacy. Assuming that Indonesia as the chair of IORA 2015-2017 has strategic opportunities in designing, organizing and implementing IORA's pillars, goals, future direction. By using qualitative method, this article argues that some of the achievements of IORA in which Indonesian diplomacy has contributed during its leadership to face future challenges. Indonesia's maritime diplomacy during its leadership at IORA has significantly defined the fundamental contributions in directing the existence of IORA to anticipate future challenges.]]>
<![CDATA[Praktik Keamanan Manusia Soka Gakkai International di Indonesia, Filipina, Dan Singapura ketika Pandemi COVID-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Fikry Anshori]]>;
<![CDATA[Susy Ong]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v5n1.5
<![CDATA[Indonesia, Philippines, and Singapore have the largest number of confirmed COVID-19 cases in Southeast Asia. Soka Gakkai International is a Non-Governmental Organization of Nichiren Buddhists with 2 million members spread across 192 countries, including those three countries. They involved in global issues such as human rights and sustainable development. Then, how are the activities carried out by this organization to support human security in Indonesia, the Philippines, and Singapore during the COVID-19 pandemic? This article attempts to answer this question by using the concept of Non-Governmental Organization and human security. The results show various Soka Gakkai International activities in Indonesia, Philippines, and Singapore from March to July 2020 that support the efforts to protect people from the COVID-19 threat. Also, there is pro and contra among scholars regarding the human security practice of SGI during a pandemic. These can be lessons regarding human security practices amid pandemic.]]>
<![CDATA[Persaingan Kekuasaan Antara India dan Cina : Dari Kekuasaan Militer Sampai Dengan Konflik Siber ]]>
<![CDATA[Refika Febrianti]]>;
<![CDATA[Abubakar Eby Hara]]>;
<![CDATA[Bagus Sigit Sunarko]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.3
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze the development of power competition between China and India from military competition to cyberspace and the reasons why India in 2020 expanded this conflict area to cyberspace. This expansion of competition is marked by India's ban on Chinese mobile applications. The research was conducted using a qualitative research approach and literature study methods as well as the theory of Struggle for Power, Cyber power and cyber Sovereignity. The discussion of this paper shows the main reason why India brings conflict to cyberspace by banning Chinese mobile application was because India had to restrain China’s rising dominance in cyber power. The ban was come under a longstanding power and influence rivalry of both countries. India is tend to left behind and suffered several defeats in conventional millitary competition with China. Afterward, the cyber rivalry allows India to have an extensive opportunity in restraining China’s power. Keywords: China, cyber sovereignity, India, cyber conflict, struggle for power]]>
<![CDATA[The World Trade Organization (WTO) Rules and Regulation: A Threat or Promise to Indonesia’s Agricultural Policy? ]]>
<![CDATA[Arfin Sudirman]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 2 No 1 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v2n1.2
<![CDATA[The WTO is a formally structured organization whose rules are legally binding on its member states. The organization provides a framework for international trade law. Indonesia has been part of WTO membership since 1995. However, the agreement does not always compatible with domestic economic policy particularly on agricultural sector. This article aims to understand the possibility of Indonesia’s economic development particularly on agriculture follow WTO’s policy track into greater prosperity. By using qualitative method, this article concluded that in a broad economic securitization, agricultural products actually have been neglected by securitizing actors (Indonesian government) to fulfill their basic needs in balancing the inequalities between rich and poor. Furthermore, Indonesia’s traditionalist economic method is incompatible with neoliberalist’s economic principle due to social and demographic diversity.]]>
