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Muhammad Asadullah Al Ghozi
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University of Indonesia, Gedung Tapi Omas Ihromi (B) Lantai 2 Kampus Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Pondok Cina, Kecamatan Beji, Kota Depok, Jawa Barat 16424
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Jurnal Politik
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 24607347     EISSN : 24610615     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/jp
Core Subject :
Jurnal Politik is a nationally accredited journal published by the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia. It was previously known as Politea: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, which was started in 2007 and then changed into Jurnal Studi Politik, which was running between 2011 until 2013 and re-published in August 2015. Jurnal Politik serves as a medium to disseminate scientific papers and various studies on contemporary politics. This journal aims to publish any kinds of popular scientific papers or research discussing either political phenomena or social and political thought. Publishing articles in this journal is the part of contributing to the development of political science. Jurnal Politik is published twice a year: in February and August. The Editorial Board of Jurnal Politik invites experts, scholars, practitioners, students, and intellectuals to submit their writings. Editors will select every manuscript submitted to Jurnal Politik using the blind reviewer mechanism from peer reviewers asked by editors. Reviewers of this journal come from national and international universities and academic institutions.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 119 Documents
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Representasi Perempuan dalam Pemilihan Bupati dan Wakil Bupati Serentak di Jawa Tengah Tahun 2015
Jurnal Politik
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The reform era has been a space for presenting women in politics. In this case, the political constellation in the head of district elections could not be separated from expectations to increase political participation of women in public offices. In contrast to the Election Law that had set a quota of 30% affirmative policies for women, the Law No. 8 Year 2015 on the election of Governor and Head of Cities and Regent is neutral because it allows women and men to compete openly. In fact, based on the simultaneous head of regency election in 21 regencies/cities in Central Java, from 56 pairs of candidates who competed, the number of pairs which one of the partners is women, are only 15 pairs. Women who are elected are three heads of regency and 6 vices of regency. Nevertheless, the success of women as head of regencies in Grobogan, Kendal, and Klaten at least are able to represent the ability of women in public office. In the spirit of political equality, the provision of the nomination of governor or vice of governor, head or vice of regency or city by political parties, in which one of the partner must be female, may be considered as an affirmative policy in the future.
Peran Partai Oposisi di Parlemen Pasca Pemilu Presiden 2014
Jurnal Politik
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The existence of opposition party in Indonesian parliament after the reform era has been taking place since 2004, precisely since Megawati Sukarnoputri lost the presidential election and then declared herself and her party, Indonesian Democratic Party–Struggle (PDI-P) as an opposition party. After that, PDI-P attempts to perform as a functioning opposition to criticize the government’s policies in about ten years. Then, the candidates proposed mainly by PDI-P, eventually won the 2014 presidential election by overcoming the other candidates, Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa. After the defeat, Prabowo-Hatta formed the Red and White Coalition (RWC) to maintain their opposition to Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla government. Meanwhile, the current president is supported by the parties known as the Outstanding Indonesia Coalition (OIC). Although in their early existence, the coalition of opposition parties succeeded in conducting some roles, nevertheless the coalition cannot run their roles well. This article tries to answer the question of why the opposition parties cannot run their roles as opposition well after the 2014 Presidential Election. This article is written based on research applying qualitative approach. This article finds that the lack of oppositional roles is due to two.
Politik Tubuh Perempuan: Bumi, Kuasa, dan Perlawanan
Jurnal Politik
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The women’s body in relation with the concept of existence is mutually binding. Body becomes a starting point to look at the existence of women themselves. The women’s as commodity and political instrument historically cannot be separated as the former is in many occasions seen as dangerous, especially if it is uncontrolled. Various policies have been produced by authorities as the expression of control over women’s bodies. Women themselves as the owners of the body are powerless against the control and power over her body. Any resistances to response or demand for more control will simply be labeled as immoral and inappropriate. In fact, state control over the body is actually considered as a result of the willingness of the state’s presence under the pretext of the need for more controlled public good. In other study, Foucault and ecofeminism present stringing struggle of many groups against any form of power over the woman’s body. The formation of power over sexuality is conducted through disciplining the body and through a population policy to regulate the rate of population growth. Foucault criticized the effort to control women’s body. The aim of this article is to prove the power through its apparatus controls women’s bodies through reproductive policies. This paper also describes the mastery correlation of the female body with earth, in relation with the views of ecofeminism. Ecofeminism also takes a more extreme way to be directly involved in saving earth, the first teritory heavily linked with the women’s body. The concern with women’s bodies also means caring about the future survival of human.
Kelas Menengah dalam Bingkai Middle Indonesia
Jurnal Politik
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Pengaruh Institusi Regional Terhadap Konvergensi Kebijakan Antarnegara: Studi Kasus ASEAN Open Skies
Jurnal Politik
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This article analyzes the effect of regional economic integration on cross-national policy through the ASEAN Open Skies treaty, particularly in Indonesia, Philippines, and Singapore. This qualitative research applies the concepts of intergovernmentalist-supranationalist regional institution and causal-mechanism that lead to cross-national policy convergence. I argue that ASEAN regionalism as an intergovernmentalist institution affects the process of policymaking, the implementation of ASEAN Open Skies in the regional level, and the adoption of it in the domestic level. The process of international harmonization and transnational communication (transnational problem solving) during the arrangement of the air transport cooperation frameworks in ASEAN has made the domestic policy in Indonesia, Philippines, and Singapore more similar (convergence).
Kontrol Sipil atas Militer dan Kebijakan Pertahanan di Indonesia Pasca Orde Baru
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Perubahan dan Kesinambungan Kebijakan-Kebijakan Ekonomi Makro: Kasus Indonesia dan Malaysia Tahun 1997-1999
Jurnal Politik
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To respond the Asian financial crisis in 1997-1999, the governments of Indonesia and Malaysia took different measures to their macroeconomic policies. The government of Indonesia tightened their fiscal and monetary policies, discontinued their intervention in foreign exchange market, and liberalized various sectors of economics while the government of Malaysia adopted expansive monetary and fiscal policies, continued their intervention in foreign exchange market, and controlled capital flows. Why was the same crisis responded by different macroeconomic policies? Why did the crisis lead to liberalized macroeconomic policies change in Indonesia, but the same thing did not happen in Malaysia? Previous studies have avoided the ideational factor to explain the governments’ preferences on macroeconomic policies. This article argues that econo mic paradigms adopted by the government regimes before the crisis determined the macroeconomic policies to respond the financial crisis in 1997-1999. The emergence of financial crisis led to an alteration of macroeconomic policies because (i) the crisis falsified the expectation of paradigms adopted by governments before the crisis and (ii) the ‘carriers’ of alternative paradigm could get into the governments institution to delegitimize old paradigm, then institutionalize the new paradigm. These two factors occured in Indonesia, but not in Malaysia.
Opresi Berlapis Perempuan Etnis Tionghoa: Pemerkosaan Massal Terhadap Perempuan Etnis Tionghoa dalam Tragedi Mei 1998 di Jakarta
Jurnal Politik
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This research aims to describe multi-layered oppressions experienced by Chinese-Indonesian women as some of them became the victims of mass rape in 1998 Tragedy in Jakarta. There are only few studies discussing violence against Chinese-Indonesian in 1998 Tragedy and amongst them, only few come up with the focus on violence against Chinese-Indonesian women issues (e.g. Purdey 2013; Siegel 1998; Tadié 2009). Several researchers such as Heryanto (2000) and Wichelen (2000) have tried to investigate the tragedy; however their studies only cover sole aspect of the issue which is state violence and gender. Using qualitative methods of document examinations and literature studies, this research aims to explain the complexity of the tragedy by using the concept of layered oppression through the complex relation of structural violence concept, intersectionality, state-gender ideology, and mass rape itself. This research argues that the mass rape in 1998 occurred due to the existence of structural violence against Chinese-Indonesian in general who are relatively superior in wealth but their position is weak socially and politically that has developed negative sentiments among the ‘indigenous’ against them. This situation became more complicated as it intermingled with the existence of state’s gender ideology and the culture of patriarchy on women (social construction on women as a symbol of male honour and objectification of women’s body).
Kekalahan Cambodia People’s Party di Wilayah Urban Kamboja pada Pemilu Tahun 2013
Jurnal Politik
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Cambodia is one of the countries that implements electoral authoritarianism system. This condition is misused by the ruling party, the Cambodia People’s Party or CPP, as the means to dominate the parliament until the 2008 election. However, the political party power distribution in Cambodia has undergone drastical change in the 2013 election. In this election, the CPP seats decreased significantly, which was the worst result for CPP since the 1998 election. The decrease was mainly caused by the failure of CPP to enchant the voters in four urban areas with high proportion of seats in parliament: Kampong Cham, Pnom Penh, Prey Veng, and Kandal. CPP had never failed in these four areas altogether before. This article argues that the lost of CPP in this authoritarian electoral regime was mainly caused by important issues currently present in Cambodia. By elaborating the theory of Dominant Party Authoritarian Regime and the concept of international election observer, this article argues that there are three main conditions occurred in Cambodia: the policies of Hun Sen regimes that cause many problems in the society, the increasing power of opposition parties and their success of campaign issue and strategy, and the role of international election observer in suppressing the practice of political intimidation by the military. This article uses qualitative method, by gathering primary data from indepth interview and secondary data analysis from literature review.
Menggugat (Praktik) Representasi Politik
Jurnal Politik
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