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Muhammad Asadullah Al Ghozi
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University of Indonesia, Gedung Tapi Omas Ihromi (B) Lantai 2 Kampus Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Pondok Cina, Kecamatan Beji, Kota Depok, Jawa Barat 16424
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Jurnal Politik
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 24607347     EISSN : 24610615     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/jp
Core Subject :
Jurnal Politik is a nationally accredited journal published by the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia. It was previously known as Politea: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, which was started in 2007 and then changed into Jurnal Studi Politik, which was running between 2011 until 2013 and re-published in August 2015. Jurnal Politik serves as a medium to disseminate scientific papers and various studies on contemporary politics. This journal aims to publish any kinds of popular scientific papers or research discussing either political phenomena or social and political thought. Publishing articles in this journal is the part of contributing to the development of political science. Jurnal Politik is published twice a year: in February and August. The Editorial Board of Jurnal Politik invites experts, scholars, practitioners, students, and intellectuals to submit their writings. Editors will select every manuscript submitted to Jurnal Politik using the blind reviewer mechanism from peer reviewers asked by editors. Reviewers of this journal come from national and international universities and academic institutions.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 119 Documents
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Co-Production Process of Kampung Warna-Warni: Societal Active Participatory in the Urban Slum Management Alfian, Faqih; Ruriana, Alvinda Putri; Ayu, Galuh Anissa Sekar; Adiputra, Bayu Galen; Marpaung, Nethaneel Yobel; Alwan, Ken Arya Fauzan
Jurnal Politik
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Abstract

This research analyses the Co-production process in developing Kampung Warna-Warni Jodipan, Malang City, and its implications for city government regulations regarding urban slum areas. The author uses descriptive qualitative data to explore the co-production process based on primary data obtained through semi-structured interviews with residents of Kampung Warna-Warni and the local Malang city government. Research findings show that the active participation of the community, students, private sponsors, and government agents can create a balance between community autonomy and the need for supervision and assistance from the government, as well as strengthening the bargaining position of the residents of Kampung Warna-Warni. Furthermore, the Kampung Warna-Warni improvement program has become a pilot model used by the Malang City government to regulate other slum settlements. The context of this research is limited to the case of Kampung Warna-Warni Malang City, which succeeded in getting recognition from the government, so the stages of the Co-production process will differ from the case of slum settlements, which the government does not recognise. Future researchers can explore this matter to find comparative patterns of co-production development in recognized and non-recognized slum settlements.
Analysis of Women's Representation in Parliament in Indonesia Using Robust Regression Estimation-S Suma, I Gede Dewangga Jati; Harsanti, Titik
Jurnal Politik
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Women's representation in parliament is a very important issue to study because one of the SDGs goals is gender equality. Women's representation in parliament in Indonesia is still low, only reaching 21.74 percent in 2022. The low representation of women in parliament will certainly hinder the role of women in leading decision making in political life. Studies regarding women's representation in parliament are generally discussed qualitatively, so this article tries to examine this problem with a quantitative approach. The method used in this research is robust S-estimation regression which can form a better model by minimizing the influence of extreme values. The results of data processing in 509 districts/cities in Indonesia show that women with a high school education or above, women who access the internet and the level of urbanization have a significant effect on women's representation in parliament in Indonesia in 2022, while women's married status does not have a significant effect on women's representation in parliament. in Indonesia in 2022.
The Impact of Elite Split and Coalition Switching on the Hung Parliament Outcome in the 2022 Malaysian General Election Ramadhan, Muhammad
Jurnal Politik
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Abstract

Malaysia's 2022 General Election resulted in a hung parliament, a new precedent in Malaysia's elections. The Hung parliament means no party or coalition can create a government. Pakatan Harapan and Barisan Nasional, which each got 82 and 30 seats, have to form a coalition to create a unity government. This research analysed how and why the 2022 General Election resulted in a hung parliament. This research uses a qualitative method, which includes the curation of parliamentary seats and election results. Using the Elite Split Theory, this research argues that the hung parliament result in Malaysia's 2022 General Election was caused by elite split that resulted in coalition and party fragmentation. This research found that the elite split in the Dewan Rakyat in 2020-2022 affected the split of the party coalition that controlled the majority of the parliament. This research also found that the effectiveness of the elite split done by the party and individual members of the Dewan Rakyat is different.
Voices of Freedom: Dialogue, Plurality, and the Shape of Democracy Pelengkahu, Muhamad
Jurnal Politik
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Creating Democracy: Arendt and Bakhtin in Dialogue is an important contribution to political theory and social philosophy. By connecting Hannah Arendt's and Mikhail Bakhtin's thoughts, Hersch offers an innovative perspective on understanding democracy as a dynamic and participatory process. Although coming from different disciplinary backgrounds, Arendt and Bakhtin share fundamental ideas about the importance of freedom, social interaction, and meaning-making in political life.
Security Governance, Non-Governmental Actors, and the Limited Statehood Legitimacy in the Southeast Asia Landscape: A Conceptual Analysis Regus, Maksimus; Epafras, Leonard Chrysostomos; Madung, Otto Gusti
Jurnal Politik
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Abstract

This paper discusses security governance in Southeast Asia by looking at the role of non-state actors and the limits of the state in forming security governance. In addition, our study discusses the increasing trend of security threats in the region. We argue that non-state actors play a crucial role in addressing security concerns by patching the gap caused by the limited capability of Southeast Asian states. Our study utilises a qualitative-narrative approach based on data from previous studies, especially studies in the last decade or so. This paper also aims to link the current security governance study with the broader policy-making process in Southeast Asia.
The Convergence of World Prosperity and Afterlife Salvation: Neoliberalism and Political Islam in Turkey Firmansyah, Muhammad Andi
Jurnal Politik
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This article investigates why Turkey’s middle-to-low-income earners, the segment of the population that has suffered the most from the neoliberal policies of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party AKP), have continued to support the party for so long. Using a case study approach based on secondary data, this article argues that the source of the AKP’s enduring legitimacy lies in their skill in utilising political Islam to consolidate neoliberalism. They strategically framed neoliberal restructuring in an Islamic spirit, generating not only loyal cross-class support but also obedience to neoliberal political projects with all their destructive consequences. The AKP, for example, justifies material inequality not as a logical consequence of meritocracy as in secular neoliberalism but rather as a divine decree that determines the individual’s path of salvation and social role. In this way, the AKP government gains prerogatives and legitimacy that secular neoliberal states rarely enjoy. However, this model of hegemony is also fragile and unsustainable. Since the economic slowdown in 2012 and a series of critical incidents, the AKP government has faced a profound legitimacy crisis. Eventually, it took the path of authoritarianism as a survival strategy. This research enriches our understanding of how neoliberalism can adapt and blend discursively with local socio-political culture. In particular, the AKP case serves as a good reminder that responding to neoliberal crises with more neoliberalism often only postpones problems rather than solving them.
When Civil Society Defends Authoritarianism: Thai Bhakdi, We Support Prayuth, and Thailand’s Democratic Decline Sapta, Igastya Hagarayu; Makhasin, Luthfi
Jurnal Politik
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Civil society is often regarded as an essential foundation for democratic consolidation, but in Thailand, civil society also plays a crucial role in maintaining authoritarian rule. This article analyzes how pro-authoritarian civil society movements—Thai Bhakdi and “We Support Prayuth”—emerged and operated in the context of the historical relationship between the military and the monarchy and political polarisation since the 2006 coup. Using the authoritarian civil society (ACS) framework and a comparative historical analysis approach, this study traces how the long-standing divide between reformist and conservative forces created fertile ground for these movements. Thai Bhakdi, rooted in monarchist nationalism, mobilises offline and digital activism to defend the monarchy, emphasising national identity and using lèse majesté laws to silence criticism. “We Support Prayuth,” in line with the military-led narrative of stability, legitimises extraordinary powers such as Article 44 to strengthen the junta’s authority. Using archival data, academic literature, and social media content, the findings show that these movements—though formally independent from the state—function as autonomous enforcers of the royal-military-conservative order. Rather than countering authoritarianism, Thailand’s polarised civil society has legitimised it, narrowing the space for democracy and reinforcing a path-dependent cycle of democratic backsliding.
Tekotok’s Digital Satire and Public Sentiment in Response to the Realities of Work in Indonesia Fanani, Ahmad Farid
Jurnal Politik
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Abstract

Inequities within Indonesia's labor system remain a prominent issue, particularly in terms of fair access and protection for all segments of the workforce. As digital media continues to evolve, critiques of labor policy are increasingly expressed through new mediums, including satirical animations. This study aims to explore how the satirical animated videos from the YouTube channel Tekotok represent critiques of labor policy using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and public sentiment analysis. A mixed-methods approach is employed, combining Fairclough’s three-dimensional model for narrative analysis with the IndoBERT model to classify sentiment in 875 YouTube comments. The results demonstrate that Tekotok’s animations effectively highlight issues such as age discrimination, unrealistic recruitment criteria, and weak worker protections. Audience responses were predominantly positive, indicating the animation’s success in conveying socially relevant critique. These findings confirm that digital animation has the potential to be a powerful and participatory medium for public criticism of employment policies in the digital era.
Religious Parties and the Construction of Political Identity: A Comparative Study of Indonesia and Türkiye Tabina, Athifa Sharanda Putri; Fahadayna, Adhi C.; Aminuddin, M. Faishal
Jurnal Politik
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This study examines the influence of religious-based political parties on political identity by comparing Indonesia and Türkiye. The background of this research lies in the role of religious parties in shaping political identity in Muslim-majority countries, where these parties must balance their adherence to religious doctrine with democratic values. The research problem examines how religious-based parties, such as PKS in Indonesia and AKP in Türkiye, construct their political identities within differing political systems. Using a quantitative approach with a comparative design and linear regression analysis, the study tests the impact of variables such as religious representation, associational networks, political education, and religious political identity. The results reveal that in Indonesia, these variables significantly shape political identity, whereas in Türkiye, no significant influence is observed due to AKP’s reliance on populist-nationalist narratives. The conclusion highlights that institutional and historical contexts heavily mediate the impact of religious parties on political identity.

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