Jurnal Politik
Jurnal Politik is a nationally accredited journal published by the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia. It was previously known as Politea: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, which was started in 2007 and then changed into Jurnal Studi Politik, which was running between 2011 until 2013 and re-published in August 2015. Jurnal Politik serves as a medium to disseminate scientific papers and various studies on contemporary politics. This journal aims to publish any kinds of popular scientific papers or research discussing either political phenomena or social and political thought. Publishing articles in this journal is the part of contributing to the development of political science. Jurnal Politik is published twice a year: in February and August. The Editorial Board of Jurnal Politik invites experts, scholars, practitioners, students, and intellectuals to submit their writings. Editors will select every manuscript submitted to Jurnal Politik using the blind reviewer mechanism from peer reviewers asked by editors. Reviewers of this journal come from national and international universities and academic institutions.
Articles
120 Documents
<![CDATA[Intolerant Democrat Syndrome: The Problem of Indonesian Democratic Consolidation ]]>
<![CDATA[Mujani, Saiful]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Vol. 6, No. 1 ]]>
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<![CDATA[Indonesia underwent democratization after more than 20 years (1998–2020), but many studies conclude that the country’s democracy is not consolidated and suffered a setback, at least in the last five years. An increase in political intolerance in society is believed to be the cause of this setback. However, studies on Indonesian political tolerance are biased and thus do not reflect actual conditions of general tolerance. This study offers a new unbiased strategy called “content-controlled measures of political tolerance” in the research on political tolerance. This strategy has been used in a series of national public opinion surveys for a relatively long period (2004–2019) and is a source of scarce data for this study. Results present a new finding that preference for democracy, as a measure of democratic consolidation at the attitudinal level, is not accompanied by political tolerance. In fact, political tolerance weakens the consolidation of democracy, which is a symptom of a condition that the author calls the “intolerant democrat syndrome.” In this syndrome, preference for democracy is hampered by political tolerance and vice versa. This syndrome makes the consolidation of Indonesian democracy difficult. Further research on the causes of the emergence of this syndrome is necessary; however, the author suspects that the current constitution contributes systematically to this syndrome.]]>
<![CDATA[Refusing to Die: Programmatic Goods in the Fight against COVID-19 in Sampang Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[Hidayat, Endik]]>;
<![CDATA[Susilo, Daniel]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Vol. 7, No. 1 ]]>
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<![CDATA[This article discusses programmatic distributive politics in the villages in Sampang Regency during the COVID-19 pandemic. This study seeks to answer the forms of programmatic goods distributed in Sampang during the pandemic. This study employs qualitative methods and chose ten villages in Sampang as its case study due to Sampang’s achievement in maintaining its green zone status for the longest period in East Java. This article shows that there have been shifts in the bupati’s relationships with the village heads, from what was previously transactional prior to the pandemic to be more collaborative in efforts to contain the spread of the virus. This study also finds that the practice of distributive politics in Sampang during the pandemic fulfills the three criteria of programmatic politics: the accuracy of beneficiaries, transparency, and commitment to distribute goods without discrimination. The village heads in Sampang have acted as effective brokers in the implementation of village welfare programs, such as the installment of village volunteer posts against COVID-19, the free mask program for villagers, the BLT-Village Fund (BLT-DD) scheme targeting villagers from low-income households affected by the pandemic, the distribution of staple foods (sembako), the smart village program that provides free internet access in every village.]]>
<![CDATA[Desa Mawacara, Negara Mawatata: Bali’s Customary Village-Based State Policies in the Time of the Covid-19 Pandemic ]]>
<![CDATA[Suryawan, I Ngurah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Vol. 6, No. 1 ]]>
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<![CDATA[Balinese customary villages are at the center of the state’s strategy for mitigation of Covid-19. Relations between customary villages and the state predate colonial times. The historical dynamics have shown that the traditions and cultures of customary villages (desa mawacara) will always exist within the shadow of the state (negara mawatata). The symbolic narrative of desa mawacara, negara mawatata illustrates the governmentality that the state exercises over the villages. Regional Regulation No. 4/2019 on Customary Villages in Bali and the formation of the customary village-based task force were rational choices made by the Governor of Bali to place the villages at the forefront of the province’s strategy against the pandemic. This article employs Li’s (2012) adaptation of Foucault’s concept of governmentality in its analysis. Discourse analysis was conducted with regards to information extracted from mass media, indepth interviews, and participatory observation. This article argues that the state’s policies for Balinese customary villages are deeply entrenched in its long history of intervention and cooptation. During the Covid-19 pandemic, the state has been well aware of the extensive influence that customary villages hold over their communities. The state utilizes this reality to exert its authority.]]>
<![CDATA[Role of the Botoh as Political Brokers and Gamblers during the Tulungagung Local Election of 2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Abiyyu, Mohammad Darry]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Vol. 6, No. 1 ]]>
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<![CDATA[Current studies on the botoh generally focus on gambling in village-head elections (pilkades) and how its role transforms from pilkades to local elections (pilkada). However, this article defines the botoh as a political broker and gambler during the 2018 local election of Tulungagung Regency. This research found that the botoh’s way of persuading voters had a positive effect on an unfavorable candidate and helped him win. This study conducted in-depth interviews of “big” botoh, observed field operation patterns, and collected documents from related parties. The practice of gambling during pilkada is categorized into three types: ngapit, leg-leg’an, and biting. This article argues that the roles of the botoh as a political broker and gambler are caused by high-stakes gambling, compensation from candidates to be part of the campaign team, and the direct election process. In this context, candidates are likely to entrust the botoh with an important role within their campaign teams, because they are considered to understand the characteristics of voters.]]>
<![CDATA[Explaining the Effects of Political Islam and Preacher toward Prabowo’s Electoral Dominance: Evidence from Pekanbaru and Kampar ]]>
<![CDATA[Saputra, Andhik Beni]]>;
<![CDATA[Setiawan, Azhari]]>;
<![CDATA[Herpina, Hesti]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Vol. 7, No. 1 ]]>
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<![CDATA[political affairs. The literature on voter behavior in many countries shows that religious leaders have critical roles in directing the political orientation and behavior of their followers. This article aims to examine the influence of Ustadz Abdul Somad (UAS) toward a significant increase of Prabowo’s vote share in the 2019 presidential election in Riau Province. Although Prabowo lost to Jokowi with a large margin in the last election, he was able to claim electoral victory in 13 out of 34 provinces—one of them is Riau. We assume that Prabowo gained the electoral advantage over his rival in Riau due to electoral support from UAS that ultimately gave significant effect toward a sharp increase for his votes compared to the 2014 election. We apply the quantitative method to examine the phenomenon. The data are mainly collected through a survey conducted in the two most populous regions in Riau—Pekanbaru and Kampar Regency. Our study confirms that UAS has a significant effect on Muslim voters’ orientation and behavior to vote for Prabowo in the last presidential election. Other findings in this study are also in line with previous studies suggesting a critical influence of religion, particularly Islam, in driving Muslim’s political behavior. The contribution of our study is to enrich the literature on voter behavior in Indonesian politics by examining the influence of political support from a popular preacher—UAS—on the distribution of electoral support for presidential candidates in the 2019 election. This is further strengthened by the presence and role of ulama figures who give their support to each presidential candidate in the political contestation in 2019.]]>
<![CDATA[Drivers of Conflict in Urban Infrastructure: Case Study of the New Yogyakarta Airport ]]>
<![CDATA[Fitriantoro, Muchamad Imam]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Vol. 6, No. 1 ]]>
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<![CDATA[The study discusses the drivers of conflict in the construction of Yogyakarta International Airport (YIA) in Temon, Kulon Progo, using a politico-economic framework. This research employs the theory of land-based elite domination of urban growth machines and theories that explain the drivers of conflicts caused by construction and development of infrastructure. The findings of this study show that the conflict was driven by disagreements on land resource that emerged from the government’s ambition to respond to the pressure to transform the rural lands in the region into an urban area under the concepts of aerotropolis and MICE. The pressure came from the interests of local and national elite groups, which complemented the extant problem of domination of land ownership by the local political elites of Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Thus, the conflict was related to not only the development of infrastructure but also a land conflict that arose from urban development policies. The other drivers of the conflict include poor governance of the project and social factors.]]>
<![CDATA[Unequal Civilian Accommodation within Democratic Rule: The Case of Sri Lanka’s Northern Province after the Government–LTTE Conflict ]]>
<![CDATA[Fathurrahman, Izzan]]>;
<![CDATA[Kartini, Evida]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Vol. 7, No. 1 ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study analyzes the civil-military relations in Sri Lanka’s Northern Province after the 2009 conflict between the central government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by drawing upon the theories of Alfred Stepan and David Pion-Berlin and Harold Trinkunas. Stepan posited that there were two dimensions that shaped civil-military relationships: military contestation and prerogatives. This study’s analysis of these two dimensions in the case of Sri Lanka’s Northern Province shows that the civil-military relationship in the region takes shape in the unequal civilian accommodation type. This analysis corresponds to Pion-Berlin and Trinkunas’ theory that high levels of crisis coupled with weak civilian control would pave the way for the military to take on extensive domestic roles and intervene in civilian affairs. This research employs a qualitative method through the examination of existing literature and documents.]]>
<![CDATA[One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: The Retrogression of Governance Reform and Anti-corruption Measure in Indonesia 1999–2001 ]]>
<![CDATA[Juwono, Vishnu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Vol. 6, No. 1 ]]>
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<![CDATA[There were high hopes that Gus Dur, after being appointed by the People Consultative Assembly (MPR) in 1999, would bring significant governance reform and more progressive anti-corruption measures for the first time because two top leaders (Gus Dur and Megawati) were from the opposition in the New Order era. This paper attempts to evaluate the governance reform and anti-corruption measures in 1999–2001. This paper argues that there was a valuable opportunity to push for further governance reforms and a bolder anti-corruption drive, as there was a legitimate political top leadership stemming from the free-and-fair election in 1999 embodied in the appointment of Gus Dur and Megawati Soekarnoputri as president and vice president, respectively, by the Consultative People Assembly (MPR). However, the political bickering and blatant competition over state resources for the election campaign in 2004 underlying Indonesia’s former government led to a setback in several governance reform areas, including judicial reform.]]>
<![CDATA[Why Adopt E-voting? Study on Village Leader Elections in Musi Rawas, South Sumatera ]]>
<![CDATA[Darmawan, Ikhsan]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurhandjati, Nurul]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Vol. 1, No. 2 ]]>
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<![CDATA[This article elaborates the e-voting adoption in village leader elections held in Musi Rawas Regency, South Sumatera, during the period of 2013 to early 2015. This paper aims at answering the question of why the government of Musi Rawas has adopted e-voting in the village leader elections. More specifically, this paper aims at identifying the motives underlying the policy to adopt e-voting in village leader elections in Musi Rawas. This article is based on the field research held between February and March, 2015. The research employs the qualitative approach. Data is collected through in-depth interview, observation, and news collected from mass media. Interviews were conducted with Mayors of Musi Rawas and the other informants that know the problems. Besides that, the research also conducted observation in three villages which held village leader elections with e-voting: Wonokerto Village, Pelawe Village, and BTS Ulu Village. Observation is the mechanism to compare between the information from interview with the empirical practice of e-voting. This article finds out that the first motive of the adoption of e-voting in the village leader election is to reduce violations of procedure. The second motive is to make the elections more efficient in term of time and money and to make the voters easier to vote. Nevertheless, the Government of Musi Rawas needs to pay attention to the technical aspect in order to make the village leader election is conducted in line with the ideal principle of election.]]>
<![CDATA[Demokrasi dalam Pemilihan Kepala Desa? Studi Kasus Desa Dengan Tipologi Tradisional, Transisional, dan Modern di Provinsi Jawa Barat Tahun 2008-2013 ]]>
<![CDATA[Yuningsih, Neneng Yani]]>;
<![CDATA[Subekti, Valina Singka]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Vol. 1, No. 2 ]]>
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<![CDATA[This research was motivated by variety of understandings of political activities in villages. The article argues that village is considered as the embrio for the formation of political society and government in Indonesia, which is also the basis for this democratic nation. This consideration can be seen from the activities of village’s headman elections. Headman election is a political activity that shows how democratic process can take place in village level. Therefore, headman elections cannot be eparated from the dynamic development of the political situation in the village. It is not merely a power struggle within the leadership’s succession in the village or the campaign strategy applied to gain support from the wider community, but more than that it is all about prestige, dignity and honor. So for the villagers, the headman election is more emotional and rational in comparison with other elections such as local elections, even presidential elections. This research examines the Headman Election with direct analysis of three villages with different typologies. They villages are Neglasari Village in Salawu, Tasikmalaya (Traditional Village); Cimekar Village in Cileunyi, Bandung (Transitional Village); Cipacing Village in Jatinangor, Sumedang (Modern Village). Those three villages are located in the province of West Java. The result shows that practice of democracy in those three villages has worked partly according to some ideal criteria of democracy, nevertheless has not worked yet in some others criteria.]]>
