cover
Contact Name
Muhammad Asadullah Al Ghozi
Contact Email
ma.alghozi@gmail.com
Phone
+6285272427654
Journal Mail Official
jurnalpolitik@ui.ac.id
Editorial Address
University of Indonesia, Gedung Tapi Omas Ihromi (B) Lantai 2 Kampus Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Pondok Cina, Kecamatan Beji, Kota Depok, Jawa Barat 16424
Location
Kota depok,
Jawa barat
INDONESIA
Jurnal Politik
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 24607347     EISSN : 24610615     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/jp
Core Subject :
Jurnal Politik is a nationally accredited journal published by the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia. It was previously known as Politea: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, which was started in 2007 and then changed into Jurnal Studi Politik, which was running between 2011 until 2013 and re-published in August 2015. Jurnal Politik serves as a medium to disseminate scientific papers and various studies on contemporary politics. This journal aims to publish any kinds of popular scientific papers or research discussing either political phenomena or social and political thought. Publishing articles in this journal is the part of contributing to the development of political science. Jurnal Politik is published twice a year: in February and August. The Editorial Board of Jurnal Politik invites experts, scholars, practitioners, students, and intellectuals to submit their writings. Editors will select every manuscript submitted to Jurnal Politik using the blind reviewer mechanism from peer reviewers asked by editors. Reviewers of this journal come from national and international universities and academic institutions.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 119 Documents
Formation of Local Elite Power Base in Local Politics: “The Emerging” and “The Surviving”
Jurnal Politik
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Abstract

Many recent studies show the development of an increasingly diverse elite characterized by the emergence of a new elite and, on the other hand, the collapse of the old elite. However, these studies mainly infer democratic political change as an explanatory factor. This article takes a different standpoint to explain why some local elites collapse, survive, and emerge as new elites. Specifically, this article describes the formation of the elite resource base and its accumulation by emphasizing the perspective of social changes. Resources become the basis of power that determines the position of the elite in society and the political arena. In the data-collecting process, this study conducted interviews with several patrons and local elites accompanied by the collection of other secondary data. Our findings explain that the factor of social changes at the local level becomes the driving force that determines the emergence and collapse of the elite at the local level. The changes in the social structure of society from feudal and hierarchical to modern-competitive society have transformed the composition of the resource base of elite power in society and determined the rise and fall of elite power. In addition, the changes in social structure not only encourage the emergence of other resource bases but also opens up opportunities for the elite to accumulate them. Three critical resources determine the elite's position in Biringkassi village, namely cultural, economic, and educational resources. These three resources determine the formation and shifts of the elite in society. The study asserts that although local political changes occur within a formal-democratic framework, local communities are still tied to a power base that persists outside that framework.
Competitive Threats to Political Dynasty in Indonesia: The Failure of the Yasin Limpo Family in the 2018 South Sulawesi Gubernatorial Election
Jurnal Politik
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Political scientists have studied the emergence and success of political dynasties in Southeast Asian countries, with post-New Order Indonesia providing several examples. Scholars have shown that Indonesia's political dynasties struggle to secure succession through local politics, but their analysis does not fully capture the turmoil of a political dynasty. This article analyzes the Yasin Limpo family's instability, focusing on how territorial politics has been exploited by local opposition and dynasties to seize and maintain power. This qualitative study provides a crucial means of understanding the success and failure of political dynasties. This article reveals that to monopolize power; political dynasties must rely not only on maximizing their dominance over the local territory but also on increasing their leverage in national politics. The Yasin Limpo family struggled to do so, facing a lack of national influence and internal family issues. Furthermore, local opponents successfully dismantled the political dynasty after bringing local political conflicts to the attention of national political elites.
Assessing the Leverage of Islamist Groups and Opposition Parties Alliance in Indonesia’s Regional Electoral Contest Herdiansah, Ari Ganjar; Gutama, Arie Surya; Sumadinata, Widya Setiabudi
Jurnal Politik
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This article tempts to verify the intricate dynamics of political alliances between Islamist groups and opposition parties in Indonesian elections, focusing on the 2018 West Java gubernatorial contest. The study employs exit poll data, investigating the relationship between religiosity, politico-religious narratives, and voting behaviour. While the mobilising power of Islamist groups appeals to political parties, creating a temporary alliance, these do not guarantee electoral triumph even in a conservative region. The politico-religious propaganda, in principle, consolidates Islamist-inclined voters. Despite high levels of religiosity among voters, the alliance's strategies fail to convey this religious mobilisation into broad electoral success. This underscores that the efficacy of such campaigns is contextually dependent and shaped by local socio-political conditions. However, the alliances offer potential political leverage, suggesting an enduring interplay between Islamist groups and political parties in the Indonesian electoral landscape. This exploration contributes to understanding the complexities of Islamist mobilisation within multi-level electoral contests.
Conflict Weather: Climate Change as a Driver of Pastoralist Conflicts in the Lake Chad Region
Jurnal Politik
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The Lake Chad region hosts a significant portion of sub-Saharan Africa’s pastoralist activities. Pastoralism in the region has become synonymous with armed conflict, thus escalating the tension in the area and making it a hotbed of insecurity. Among other things, the exacerbation of the herder-farmer crisis in this area is attributable to climate change. Lake Chad which serves as a source of water, fodder, and fertile land for herders and farmers in the region, has been shrinking. This, coupled with drought, flooding, and variability in weather patterns, forces pastoralists to move around and engage in a constant migratory pattern, resulting in war-like competition for resources with farmers in the host communities. This paper adds to the debate on the role of climate change in fueling pastoralist conflicts in the area. The discourse, presented using qualitative methods and secondary data sourced from journal articles, briefs, reports, and internet sources, is couched using the political ecology framework. The paper finds that intensity of violent events and fatalities involving pastoralists in the area is driven by the disruption of livelihood occasioned by climate change. Four patterns of pastoralist conflict in the area are identified: conflict between herders and farmers; between different pastoralist groups; between the pastoralist and government; and between the pastoralist and other resource users. The paper also identifies the effects of climate change on displacement, disruption of economic activities, and undermining pastoralist livelihood.
Managing Ethno-Nationalism within Special Territorial Autonomy Policy: Comparative Cases between Aceh and Papua Jati, Wasisto Raharjo
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The implementation of special autonomy regions is how the central government acknowledges the uniqueness and significant contributions of specific regions to Indonesia. The acknowledgment is then accommodated within special autonomy policies. Starting with Papua in 2001, there are eight provinces with special regions. Despite having a special autonomy status, those provinces may have more problems. The issues are mainly the historical root of integration with Indonesia, resource inequality, and the genuine representations of indigenous people as officeholders. These three issues have been common problems in Indonesia since the up-and-down relationship exists between the central government and those special autonomous regions. The unequal compensation in revenue transfer always becomes a hotbed that recalls the integration process with Indonesia long ago. In line with the previously mentioned problems, this paper aims to evaluate the policy performance of special autonomy policies in Aceh and Papua. Both regions are worth investigating because there are always disputed classical problems that disrupt national integrity. Most importantly, both regions have insurgency movements that force the central government to respond swiftly. Compared with other special autonomous regions, Aceh and Papua have been in a turbulent position with Jakarta for many decades. These fluctuating relationships show unresolved problems that are still ingrained in both regions. Following up on the mentioned problems briefly, this paper reveals that while special autonomy in Aceh technically has ended the long conflict, Papua still struggles with scattered conflict in some regions. These different results show the remaining challenges the special autonomy policy should deal with very soon.
Vaccine Politics: Comparison of Acceptance of COVID-19 Vaccines Produced by Democratic and Non-Democratic Countries Habibilla, Akbar Fasya; Fahadayna, Adhi Cahya
Jurnal Politik
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The unequal distribution of the COVID-19 vaccine worldwide is one of humanity's global challenges due to political factors entering and influencing the distribution of vaccines to countries worldwide. Vaccine-producing countries are fragmented into two sides: democratic and non-democratic countries. This article aims to answer how political factors can influence the distribution of the COVID-19 vaccine globally and which vaccine is the global favorite. This article uses vaccine politics theory as its basis and uses descriptive-comparative methods in the data analysis process. The results of this research found that there were indications that illiberal democratic practices were widespread during the COVID-19 pandemic, followed by the decision of the head of state to regulate the distribution of vaccines in their country, which tended to be authoritarian during the pandemic. Apart from that, vaccines produced by democratic countries are the favorite of the global community compared to vaccines produced by non-democratic countries. The transparency factor in the production process is the primary benchmark in assessing product quality in addition to the country of origin.
The Normalcy in Solomon Islands-Australia Asymmetric Relations Post-RAMSI Faqih, Faqih
Jurnal Politik
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Solomon Islands – China security deal has concerned Australia. Despite this, the relations between Solomon Islands and Australia have still been maintained through negotiated interaction. This article seeks to explain how Australia and Solomon Islands have sustained their normal relations even though Australia, as the larger power, has the means to exert its dominance over the Solomon Islands. The study employed a qualitative method by analyzing Solomon Islands and Australian leaders' statements collected from news media, official government websites, and official documents. Using Brantly Womack's conception of normalcy, the research found that the Solomon Islands still recognize the disparity of capabilities, while Australia still respects the Solomon Islands' sovereignty. The relationship has also been supported by frequent diplomatic exchanges and habituation through the shared experience during the RAMSI period. Lastly, the issue of contention has been successfully neutralized through persuasive rhetoric and issue depoliticization.
Freedom and Equality Problems in Indonesia’s Democracy Harahap, Husnul Isa; Ekayanta, Fredick Broven
Jurnal Politik
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Abstract

What part of democracy is the most frequently an issue in a democratic country? It is freedom and equality. This book contains a collection of articles that repeat more or less the same questions. Likewise, the answer is still around the problems of freedom (speech, politics, opinion, competition, power, press, expression.) and equality (law, social rights, and other aspects.). The difference is in its perspectives and cases, as it differs in place, condition, and time.
Intersectionality Analysis of the Impact of Anti-Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting Policies in Indonesia and Egypt Gustina, Nadiah Atsil; Nareswari, Laras Ayu
Jurnal Politik
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Indonesia and Egypt are the two countries with the highest prevalence rates of Female Genital Mutilation / Cutting (FGM/C) in the world. Several policies have been issued in order to reduce the number of cases of female circumcision, but they have not shown significant results. Therefore, the authors want to explain why the implementation of the anti-FGM/C policy has not succeeded in reducing the number of female circumcisions in Indonesia and Egypt. The authors argue that the leading cause of these problems is that the anti-FGM/C policies in both countries neglect the socio-cultural aspects of society, and both countries share cultural similarities in how they view women. Circumcision is not only seen as a way to purify or glorify women but is also seen as a repressive measure to limit the freedom and rights of women's bodily autonomy. In addition, a decisive view of religion also influences the high demand for female circumcision. This condition provides different experiences for women in the two countries than other countries implementing anti-FGM/C policies. The position of women in Indonesia and Egypt who are still bound by cultural and religious values makes them more vulnerable to experiencing female circumcision because they do not have the choice of women in other regions.
The Condition of Possibilities for ASEAN in Adopting International Norms Against Sea Piracy Poetri, Ayu Praditha; Kurniawan, Yandry
Jurnal Politik
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The shift of sea piracy trend in Southeast Asia, from primordial piracy to contemporary piracy, has happened for a few decades. To ensure the region remains invulnerable, ASEAN as regional institution adopts two international maritime norms into the region to develop the regional norms against sea piracy. Those norms are the UNCLOS 1982 and the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Maritime Navigation 1988 and its Protocol for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Fixed Platforms Located on the Continental Shelf. This paper explores the process of external norms diffusions with the local extant norm using the norm diffusion theory and qualitative research method as the analytical framework. The research finds that ASEAN adopts the international norms with several adjustment especially on the notion of hot pursuit. Considering the sensitive nature of the issue, ASEAN accommodates hot pursuit through legal and law enforcement matter stated on the 2002 Work Plan to Implement ASEAN Plan of Action to Combat Transnational Crimes.

Page 10 of 12 | Total Record : 119


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