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Contact Name
Muhammad Asadullah Al Ghozi
Contact Email
ma.alghozi@gmail.com
Phone
+6285272427654
Journal Mail Official
jurnalpolitik@ui.ac.id
Editorial Address
University of Indonesia, Gedung Tapi Omas Ihromi (B) Lantai 2 Kampus Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Pondok Cina, Kecamatan Beji, Kota Depok, Jawa Barat 16424
Location
Kota depok,
Jawa barat
INDONESIA
Jurnal Politik
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 24607347     EISSN : 24610615     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/jp
Core Subject :
Jurnal Politik is a nationally accredited journal published by the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia. It was previously known as Politea: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, which was started in 2007 and then changed into Jurnal Studi Politik, which was running between 2011 until 2013 and re-published in August 2015. Jurnal Politik serves as a medium to disseminate scientific papers and various studies on contemporary politics. This journal aims to publish any kinds of popular scientific papers or research discussing either political phenomena or social and political thought. Publishing articles in this journal is the part of contributing to the development of political science. Jurnal Politik is published twice a year: in February and August. The Editorial Board of Jurnal Politik invites experts, scholars, practitioners, students, and intellectuals to submit their writings. Editors will select every manuscript submitted to Jurnal Politik using the blind reviewer mechanism from peer reviewers asked by editors. Reviewers of this journal come from national and international universities and academic institutions.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 120 Documents
Politik Oligarki dan Perampasan Tanah di Indonesia: Kasus Perampasan Tanah di Kabupaten Karawang Tahun 2014 Ananta, Dicky Dwi
Jurnal Politik Vol. 2, No. 1
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This study discusses the land grabbing practiced by political oligarchy at the local level after the New Order. By using qualitative research methods and case study in Karawang, this study attempts to describe how political oligarchy allows the expropriation of land at the local level. This study finds that networking power of the oligarchy as a common practice in the New Order regime is still continued and practiced by local authority decades after its fall. The study in Karawang reveals the way of the local oligarch forced their desire to accumulate wealth by using predatory ways such as maximising state power for the accumulation of individual wealth, distributing money for political means, and deploying violent non-state organizations. Those are made possible due to the weakness of social forces beyond the networking power of the oligarchy to give unobstracted way to seize material resources. This study concludes that the networking power of the oligarchy is still a dominant social force and becomes one of the patterns of local politics in Indonesia, at least as indicated in the operating form of the oligarch in the case of land grabbing in Karawang.
Menghadirkan Kepentingan Perempuan dalam Representasi Politik di Indonesia Ardiansa, Dirga
Jurnal Politik Vol. 2, No. 1
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This paper attempts to respond to three major discourse of political representation. First, that the political representation will not bring the representation of interests, classes, and identities completely, only half or partially. Representation is not a mere claim on representations facts. Second, that the democratic political representation happens if those whose interests are affected or touched by a decision have the capacity to (engage) influence the decision-making. Third, that the political representation can be generated from the electoral process (the election) and non-electoral. The electoral process would produce a formal political representation in the realm of the executive and legislative positions in parliament. In the process of non-electoral political representation comes in the form of a political movement by groups, unions, community, or civil society organizations. In the context of the practice of political representation in Indonesia and its relation to the issue of women’s political representation, this paper viewed the practice of female political representation in Indonesia in the third discourse, as well as offer ideas and recommendations for the efforts to improve the representation of women.
Aktor Politik dan Gagalnya Transisi Demokrasi Mesir Tahun 2011-2013 Mushlih, Amri; Hurriyah, Hurriyah
Jurnal Politik Vol. 2, No. 1
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This study discusses the role of political actors in Egypt during the transition period leading to the failure of democratic transition in the country. These actors are: 1) the military, (SCAF (Supreme Council of Armed Forces)); 2) the Islamic groups, including the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi groups; 3) the elites of the old regime (status quo), that are the remnants of the Mubarak regime either still in the political structure or been eliminated; and 4) the secular groups, including elites and civil society activists emerged since the anti-Mubarak revolution. The interaction of these actors was analyzed by applying the conceptual framework of democratic transition and elites in transition settlement among political actors in Egypt was absent as the result of differences in ideology and the failure of the coalition management between the Islamists and secular groups. Furthermore, the study also reveals the absence of elite convergence because the actors have low commitment to democracy as the only game in town. Both of these have caused political instability which ended with a military coup in 2013. The coup is a sign of the failure of Egypt’s transition to democracy. theory proposed by Higley and Burton. From the analysis, the study finds that the
An Islamic Party in Urban Local Politics: The PKS Candidacy at the 2012 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election Hidayat, Syahrul
Jurnal Politik Vol. 2, No. 1
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Abstract

Despite its success in obtaining more votes in the 2004 general election in Jakarta than the previous election in 1999, the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) has turn its voter sup¬port into local executive power by winning a gubernatorial election in the capital. After a narrow defeat in the 2007 local election, the party’s candidate who had a respectable reputation also failed to further its bid for the second round of the following local elec¬tion. By applying the existing possible explanations of urban candidacy in local elec¬tions, this paper aims at discussing the possible explanations for the failure of Hidayat Nur Wahid, the PKS candidate, in the 2012 gubernatorial election. The paper argues that in spite of the likely influence of religion, in this case, Islam, the party’s candidate is at the forefront position to maximise it since such other factors as personal character, to offer a candidate with the capacity to tackle urban problems makes urban voters unlikely to be on their side, although they share the similar religious identity. political resources and media are playing role in this context. In this case, the failure.
Politik Pork Barrel di Indonesia: Kasus Hibah dan Bantuan Sosial di Provinsi Banten tahun 2011 Saragintan, Antonius; Hidayat, Syahrul
Jurnal Politik Vol. 2, No. 1
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The populist programs deployed by government have a higher degree of being used as strategy to increase support at elections known as pork barrel politics. This paper finds that similar pattern also happened in the allocation of grants and social assistance in the province of Banten provided by the local government. This research aims at ans¬wering the question: can the grants and social assistances allocated by incumbent in Banten Province in 2011 be categorized as pork barrel distributive politics? By using qualitative method, this study unveils a tendency that both allocation of grants and social assistance were utilized as political strategy by targeting the stronghold suppor¬ters of the incumbent as well as some influential religious groups. This research also underlines that the concept of pork barrel can be expanded from its original definition to cover policies initiated by executive and can take place in local rather than national.
Ijtihad Islamisme Turki ala Erbakan Sandhiyudha, Arya
Jurnal Politik Vol. 2, No. 1
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Role of The State Intelligence Agency in Managing the COVID-19 Pandemic in Indonesia
Jurnal Politik
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The COVID-19 pandemic has prompted governments in various countries to involve a wide range of actors, including intelligence. Since the beginning of 2020, the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) in Indonesia has been actively involved in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic. The deployment of intelligence bodies in handling a pandemic is a common practice that many democratic countries do. However, intelligence must operate within the confines of its mandate, function, and democratic principles. This paper will examine the issues regarding the roles of BIN in dealing with the pandemic in Indonesia. Data sources for this study were obtained by applying a qualitative approach from literature studies and reviews from January 2020 to February 2021. This paper has identified four types of operations carried out by BIN on a national and local scale: investigations, security, mobilization, and countermeasures. Apart from the various contributions made by BIN to the pandemic response thus far, this paper identifies several issues, including the tendency for excessive involvement, proportionality issues, and accountability issues. As a recommendation, more efforts are needed to strengthen BIN’s position in general security sector governance, accelerate supervision, and reorient COVID-19 handling in Indonesia.
Educational Intervention Program for Young Voters: Improving Political Knowledge and Voting Behavior in the 2020 Simultaneous Local Elections Shadiqi, Muhammad Abdan; Ernawati, Gusti; Hariati, Rima; Arasy, Khaerullah Fadhli Hasan; I’anah, Noor; Al Istiqomah, Wita; Firman, Ulfiyah Nanda; Erlyani, Neka
Jurnal Politik Vol. 8, No. 1
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Young voters' low level of political knowledge, which impacts political participation, is still a phenomenon today. The influence of political knowledge on young voters' behavior is still being debated, and there is little empirical evidence, especially regarding political knowledge and voting behavior enhanced through specific educational programs. Therefore, an effective education program is needed to increase political knowledge and the desire of young voters to participate in general elections. This study aims to determine the effectiveness of educational programs in increasing political knowledge and shaping voting behavior among young voters in South Kalimantan Local Elections (Pilkada). We used a quasi-experimental research design by providing extension activities as an online educational intervention program to 41 participants. All participants took three measurement phases, starting from the pre-education program, post-education program, and post-Pilkada phase. The education program was conducted online by providing materials related to the reasons for using the right to vote, information on candidates, considerations for making choices, election techniques, and time and place for the election. The results of the analysis found that educational programs influenced the political knowledge and voting behavior of young voters. Thus, this educational program can significantly and effectively improve young voters' political knowledge and voting behavior.
The Low Electability of Women Legislative Candidates in Gender-Friendly Constituencies in Banten Ulfaningrum, Amilia; Wahyuningroem, Sri Lestari; Ilmar, Anwar
Jurnal Politik Vol. 8, No. 2
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Tulisan ini mengkaji fenomena rendahnya elektabilitas perempuan di Daerah Pemilihan Banten III pada Pemilihan Umum Legislatif tahun 2019. Daerah ini memiliki karakter pemilih rasional dan ramah gender, namun karakter tersebut ternyata tidak memberi pengaruh terhadap elektabilitas perempuan untuk menjadi anggota parlemen. Kajian-kajian tentang elektabilitas perempuan umumnya menggunakan pendekatan supply-demand untuk menjelaskan elektabilitas perempuan untuk meraih posisi-posisi politik. Kami menemukan bahwa pendekatan ini saja tidak cukup untuk menjelaskan permasalahan yang kami angkat. Hal ini karena analisis suppy-demand hanya memotret kondisi obyektif yang, dalam analisis gender, terjadi di banyak tempat di seluruh dunia saat perempuan tidak selalu dalam posisi lemah. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, dan melibatkan teknik pengumpulan data berupa wawancara mendalam dengan calon legislatif perempuan, pengurus partai politik, pemilih di Dapil Banten III, dan akademisi, penelitian ini mengonfirmasi bahwa elektabilitas perempuan memang rendah karena diakibatkan oleh aspek supply dan demand yang tidak menguntungkan perempuan. Meski demikian, karakter pemilih dan faktor sosial demografi juga menentukan keterpilihan perempuan selama calon legislatif bisa memanfaatkan pendekatan yang lebih strategis.
From Political Contracts to Policies: Clientelistic or Programmatic? Rahman, Aldhayavira Julia; Ardiansa, Dirga
Jurnal Politik Vol. 8, No. 2
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Community Action Plan (CAP) is a priority program of the governor in structuring residential areas use a collaboration method with the society, both in planning and implementation of development. This program is regulated through Governor Decree Number 878 of 2018 and Governor Regulation Number 90 of 2018. However, before it became a public program and policy, the initial formation of the CAP program came from a political contract agreed by members of the JRMK (Jaringan Rakyat Miskin Kota) with Anies Baswedan ahead of the 2017 local elections, to encourage efforts a winning number of polling stations in the JRMK working area. Due to this process, an assumption appear that the CAP program was a clientelistic because it was a compensation for support in the local elections which would only partially benefit to JRMK and did have not basic regulations as a legal policy. This research reveals a transformation existence of the allocation process and distribution of resources from clientelistic towards programmatic. The results of this research show that the form of distributive politics between clientelistic and programmatic is not always black-and-white (Stokes, Dunning, Nazareno, & Brusco, 2013) or gray (Savirani & Aspinal, 2017) but there can also be a shift in form. In addition, it also was found that the presence of Presidential Decree Number 16 of 2018 about the Procurement of Goods and Services open some opportunities for collaboration between local governments and community groups. Organizing carried out by the companion groups has a role in driving this transformation effort.

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