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INDONESIA
Power, Conflict and Democracy Journal
Published by Universitas Gadjah Mada
ISSN : 20850433     EISSN : 20850441     DOI : https://doi.org/ 10.22146/pcd
Core Subject : Humanities, Social,
Humanities Social Sciences
PCD Journal is an initiative to promote works and reports written in high-quality academic standard on the dynamics of power, conflict, and democracy in developing countries, particularly in South and Southeast Asia. Themes on practices of human rights, popular representation, and participatory-based public policy are amongst the interests of the initiative. It is considered that there is a serious lack of scholarly publishers within this geographical area and within these thematic fields, partly, due to the colonial pattern in international publication. PCD Publication seeks to alter the condition. The main discipline area of the initiative is social sciences with sub-discipline areas in political science, human geography, and political anthropology. We invite concerned scholars and experts in related themes to share and discuss their research, knowledge, and works in academically equal spirit. The published works and reports in PCD Journal are under the condition of having to pass through the peer review system, involving international academics and experts. PCD Journal is set up as a network project, currently, involving Universitas Gadjah Mada in Indonesia, the University Colombo in Sri Lanka, and the University of Oslo in Norway. Demos Indonesia (the Indonesian Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies), the Social Scientists’ Association of Sri Lanka, and the International Centre for Ethnic Studies, Sri Lanka, are added into the collaboration. PCD Journal is currently managed by Department of Politics and Government, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada (DPP UGM). Operationally, it is managed by DPP UGM research and publication unit, named as PolGov (Research Centre for Politics and Government). This management is continuing what has been respectably initiated by the Centre for Southeast Asian Social Studies (CESASS UGM)
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Ilmu Sosial (Lain-Lain)
Articles 68 Documents
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The Moluccas' Surviving Aristocracy in Indonesian Politics B. D. Kurniadi
PCD Journal Vol 8 No 2 (2020): PCD Journal Volume 8 No. 2 2020
Publisher : PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v8i2.1090

Abstract

The article demonstrates how the Sultanate of Ternate in the Moluccas has survived in post-authoritarian Indonesian politics by analysing the political performances of the Sultan of Ternate and his immediate family members. The success of Sultan Mudaffar Syah in the political arena has contextualised the literature on land-based political economy, something that has largely been neglected. Combining in-depth interviews, observations, and document study, I argue that the Sultan's political achievements were the result of his transforming Ternate's coastal aristocracy into a land-based one, sidestepping the Basic Agrarian Law (BAL) of 1960 by transferring land management and ownership to indigenous communities while still maintaining economic control. However, his wife and children have failed politically, not only because they are not part of the traditional aristocratic structure (and thus have no control over land) but also because of internal fragmentation.
Why have Anti-Offshore Tin Mining Movements Failed in Bangka but Succeeded in East Belitung? Political Opportunity Structures and Political Settlement in the Context of Indonesia's Democratic Future Eko Bagus Sholihin
PCD Journal Vol 8 No 2 (2020): PCD Journal Volume 8 No. 2 2020
Publisher : PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v8i2.1483

Abstract

Civil society movements have occupied an important position in Indonesia's democratisation. This article seeks to determine why anti-offshore tin mining movements in the post-authoritarian era failed in Bangka but succeeded in East Belitung, an area where tin mining has historically been important. By analysing the political opportunity structures and political settlement mechanisms involved, this article argues, first, that the movement's success in East Belitung can be attributed to open political access, fragmentation within elite circles, and alliances with influential elites; such political opportunities were not available in Bangka. Second, in Bangka, the local bourgeoisie and brokers used clientelistic approaches in their political settlement and prevented resistance by co-opting local communities within the extraction chain. In East Belitung, meanwhile, such efforts were stymied by the lack of local bourgeoisie, the strength of environmental awareness, and the availability of alternative economic resources. It may thus be concluded that, while a clientelistic approach to settlement may prevent conflict, it also limits the political participation of civil society movements—an important element of democracy.
The Politics of Civil Society Forms Muhammad Djindan; Anggalih Bayu Muh. Kamim; Irwan Harjanto
PCD Journal Vol 9 No 1 (2021): PCD Journal Volume 9 No. 1 2021
Publisher : PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v9i1.1974

Abstract

Despite the ongoing debate regarding how and to what extent civil society enhances democratic practices, it is generally agreed that there is a reasonable link between civil society and democracy under certain conditions. This paper aims to explore the politics of civil society forms and understand their contribution to the maintenance of democratic practices in Jakarta. Building on a neo-Tocquevillian understanding of civil society, this article analyses urban environmental activists' strategic adoption of voluntary associations and environmental spin-off campaigns as forms of civic engagement to improve public policy. This paper asks how and to what extent these forms of civic engagement provide alternative understandings of civil society's efforts to promote local democracy. We argue that urban environmental activists' spin-off campaigns and voluntary associations represent a particular form of civil society politics, and thus provide different routes to understand local democracy by facilitating diagonal accountability mechanisms. However, further analysis found that the forms adopted by urban environmental activists suffer horizontal and vertical accountability problems similar to those frequently found in more established forms of civil society (e.g. non-government organisations). Nonetheless, the discussion in this paper illustrates civil society's ingenuity in pushing for democratic practices amidst Indonesia's 'democratic recession'.
COVID-19 Mahbi Maulaya; Nanda Blestri Jasuma
PCD Journal Vol 9 No 1 (2021): PCD Journal Volume 9 No. 1 2021
Publisher : PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v9i1.2102

Abstract

Covid-19 merits a scientific examination from cosmopolitanism, a widely acknowledged, global-nuanced thought. During the pandemic, strong stances of nationalism and xenophobia have been taken, leaving little room for global cooperation in countering the virus, and recognition of human rights has ebbed. Since this reality is opposed to its ideational and normative essence, cosmopolitanism offers its criticisms and proposals. By diving into a cosmopolitan way of thinking, this study criticises the rise of 'health nationalism' in state policies as well as the xenophobia manifested through the blaming of people of Asian—particularly Chinese—heritage for the viral outbreak. Regarding its proposals, cosmopolitanism offers two suggestions: 1) international society must opt to endorse global integration through multilateralism, and 2.) countries should avoid exclusionary health programmes and commit to solidarity-based countermeasures. The underlying arguments of this study are backed by the application of library research and qualitative methods.
Education and Social Mobility For Orang Asli Papua Alfath Bagus Panuntun El Nur Indonesia
PCD Journal Vol 9 No 2 (2021): PCD Journal Volume 9 No. 2 2021
Publisher : PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v9i2.3313

Abstract

Papuan human resources are complicated due to educational barriers that make it difficult for indigenous Papuans (OAP) to achieve upward social mobility. Many factors have contributed to these educational barriers, including poverty, conflict and war, a lack of teachers, and poor infrastructure. These obstacles should be solved through the main feature of the Special Autonomy Law (SAL), namely the "special autonomy fund". Although these funds have been rolled out in Papua since 2001 to address inequality and improve OAP's human resources, their conditions have not improved significantly. This qualitative study explored the experiences of Mappi and Puncak OAPs involved in education financed by the special autonomy fund through cooperation between the government and the university. The findings revealed the positive effect of SAL on reducing educational barriers and increasing social mobility for OAPs, but there are still some areas that needed to be improved. OAPs’ experience showed that formal education was the main determining factor to upward social mobility. This article also highlighted several areas for change, such as informal education support that needed to be improved; promoting equal development in both the coast and the highlands; increased community participation; and strengthening the political will. Recommendations are also offered.
Leadership and City Waste Politics: A Case Study on the Waste Management in Depok City, West Java Province 2014 – 2017 Nur Azizah; Azifah Retno Astrina; Nadlirotul Ulfa
PCD Journal Vol 9 No 1 (2021): PCD Journal Volume 9 No. 1 2021
Publisher : PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v9i1.3386

Abstract

This article aims to ascertain the role of a local leader in the transformation of waste management in Depok City, West Java, between 2014 and 2017. In 2005, Depok was identified as one of the dirtiest cities in Indonesia; by 2017, it had successfully transformed itself and received the Adipura Award for Indonesia's cleanest city. Based on qualitative fieldwork, we argue that Depok's waste management was transformed through a series of policies made by the mayor in conjunction with the Government of Depok City between 2006 and 2016. The example of Depok shows that formal leadership plays an important role in encouraging the emergence of innovative policies to address public problems. In this case, the vision of the leader was translated into policy and implemented by bureaucratic institutions, thereby driving important changes in the region. Further contributing factors included credibility, protection from opposition, and access to resources. We also emphasize the importance of leadership in giving direct examples to local communities on how we understand waste; how we reduce, reuse, recycle, and participate. The leader's ability to consolidate his ideas within the broader community, as well as his commitment to sustainable change, become the main driver of his policy performance.
Leading With Compassion Dias Prasongko; Wigke Capri Arti
PCD Journal Vol 9 No 1 (2021): PCD Journal Volume 9 No. 1 2021
Publisher : PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v9i1.3464

Abstract

This article elaborates on two important elements of women's leadership. First, it explores how leadership theory has abandoned its masculine perspective in favour of a "more feminine" one. The COVID-19 pandemic, a crisis that crippled the socio-political structure, has contributed to this shift. Second, the experiences of grassroots leaders who are active in the domestic sphere have begun to be considered, as has their increased activeness in the public sphere during the COVID-19 pandemic. However, studies of women's leadership are highly elitist; such a paradigm is problematic, as it prioritises formal power structures and ignores the grassroots leaders who play a central role in maintaining the social order. This research finds that the pandemic has provided a valuable impetus not only for studies of formal elites but also women at the grassroots. Women have become highly powerful agents in the domestic sphere during the pandemic, and even expanded their agency into the public sphere. Women leaders have facilitated the implementation of government and community crisis response measures at the grassroots level.
Working through Boundaries Imawan, Arga Pribadi
PCD Journal Vol 10 No 1 (2022): PCD Journal Volume 10 No. 1 2022
Publisher : PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v10i1.3665

Abstract

It is commonly assumed that multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary research collaborations involve various values, knowledge, and practices, thereby existing between science and policy. This study argues, oppositely, that multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary research collaborations are socially constructed and not to be taken for granted. To support its argument, this article uses the concept of boundary work to see how the interaction between science and policy is constructed. Taking as its case study the Ground Up consortium, a collaborative water management research programme involving the Netherlands and Indonesia, this study finds that boundary work generated and formed boundaries between science and policy through a joint call for proposal documents, research proposals, and three people operating at boundaries. Furthermore, this article shows that the collaborative research in the Ground Up consortium was a social process evidenced through three mediums: text, object, and person. This qualitative research thus uses a single-case study to explore boundary work in a consortium setting. Data were collected through a review of documents (meeting notes, research proposals, and calls for proposals) as well as in-depth interviews with three members of the Ground Up consortium.
Islamic Populism and Village Chief Elections in Java Cornelis Lay; Wegik Prasetyo; Norin Mustika Rahadiri Abheseka
PCD Journal Vol 9 No 2 (2021): PCD Journal Volume 9 No. 2 2021
Publisher : PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v9i2.3748

Abstract

The strengthening of political identities, including the use of Islamic populism, has widely been used to explain the electoral victories and defeats of candidates at the municipal, provincial, and national levels. However, no study has been found to investigate this phenomenon in the village elections (pilkades) of Yogyakarta, Indonesia. Our research, conducted in ten villages, did not find a tendency to use Islamic populism. Rather, in two villages—Baleharjo, Gunungkidul, and Temon Kulon, Kulon Progo—we identified an interesting phenomenon: the principle of inclusivity was used to ensure that competition was open to candidates of all backgrounds, including religious minorities. This article seeks to investigate this trend, which enabled religious minorities to be elected to the highest position within the village government: chief. It finds that minority candidates' electoral victory was made possible by several factors. Importantly, Islam's limited penetration into suburban Java restricted its ability to be used for identity politics in village elections.
Equality Agenda, Sustainable Development Goals, and Muslim Countries’ Acceptance of LGBTQ Tika Tazkya Nurdyawati; Anne Mardiah; Raden Radhitya Rizal
PCD Journal Vol 9 No 2 (2021): PCD Journal Volume 9 No. 2 2021
Publisher : PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v9i2.3759

Abstract

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are an agenda designed by world leaders to reduce and protect the global world. The fifth of these goals is gender empowerment. Many narratives related to the rights of the LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer) community have often emerged, and the community has even experienced threats in several Islamic countries that still adhere to sharia law. This article aims to examine how the SDGs can influence Muslim countries’ policies toward the acceptance of their domestic LGBTQ community. Using Samuel P.Huntington's Clash of Civilizations theory, this research employs Atlas.ti toqualitatively analyse data collected from many sources. This research finds that thefifth SDG cannot yet be fully incorporated into the policies of Muslim countries, i.e.,those that have implemented sharia law. The SDGs are part of a Western globalistagenda that failed to take into account the different cultures and beliefs held aroundthe world. Furthermore, the issues of cultural identity contained within the SDGs arefar more sensitive than these goals' economic components. It is this sensitivity thathas driven debate and conflict over the fifth SDG. The SDGs are ultimately unable tochange deep-rooted policies, especially those rooted in the ideologies of nationsthat forbid LGBTQ.

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