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Noviyanti Azis
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Redaksi Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar, Gedung Universitas Fajar, lantai 2, (Jl. Prof. Abdurahman Basalamah No.101, Karampuang, Kec. Panakkukang, Kota Makassar, Sulawesi Selatan 90231)
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INDONESIA
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar
Published by Universitas Fajar
ISSN : 30254515     EISSN : 30217830     DOI : https://doi.org/10.47354/jiihif.v1i1
Diplomasi, Ekonomi Politik Internasional, Media dan Komunikasi Politik Internasional, Studi Keamanan, Gender dan Feminisme, Globalisasi dan Demokrasi, Studi Agama, Identitas dan Peradaban.
Articles 36 Documents
Strategi Konfrontatif NATO Terhadap Rusia di Negara-Negara Baltik dan Polandia Hafid Adim Pradana; Ruli Inayah Ramadhoan
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022): Edisi Desember
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.438

Abstract

Secara historis, hubungan antara North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) dan Rusia senantiasa bersifat konfliktual. Sekalipun demikian, baik Rusia maupun NATO pernah melakukan perencanaan kerjasama pengelolaan sistem pertahanan rudal di Eropa Timur pada tahun 2010, dimana hal itu sempat memunculkan optimisme akan membaiknya hubungan kedua pihak di masa mendatang. Akan tetapi optimisme tersebut mendadak pudar ketika tahun 2015 Rusia memperbarui Russia’s National Security Strategies (RNSS). Tindakan Rusia tersebut segera direspon oleh NATO dengan menerapkan strategi konfrontatif dalam bentuk penempatan pasukan militer di Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania dan juga Polandia. Hal ini tentunya akan berisiko menimbulkan konflik militer langsung antara Rusia dan NATO. Berangkat dari permasalahan tersebut, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa faktor yang melatarbelakangi NATO dalam menerapkan strategi konfrontatif terhadap Rusia di negara-negara Baltik dan juga Polandia. Dengan menggunakan teori strategi kebijakan luar negeri sebagai kerangka analisis, tulisan ini menghasilkan temuan bahwa strategi konfrontatif yang dijalankan NATO didasari oleh adanya persepsi ancaman dan superioritas kapabilitas militer NATO terhadap Rusia.
Faktor Domestik Penolakan Italia terhadap Pengungsi dari Afrika Utara tahun 2015-2019 Louis Harlianto Wicaksono; Muhammad Fauzan Alamari
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022): Edisi Desember
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.439

Abstract

The wave of refugees that was initiated by the Arab Spring phenomenon has increased the number of refugee arrivals in Italy starting in 2015. Refugees from North Africa who use the Central Mediterranean Route to reach mainland Italy pose a new threat to the Italian government related to the refugee crisis that occurred. The anti-refugee stance formed by the Italian government which was implemented through the Closed Port Policy and the Salvini Decree-Law on Immigration is a policy that was formed after the victory of the right-wing party in Italy. Italy's repressive policies, which exclude international law from the 1951 Convention and the European Union's CEAS on the issue of refugees, become an interesting topic to study how the domestic. level has a major influence on the rejection of refugees by the Italian government. In explaining how the role of the domestic level influences foreign policy, the author uses the concept of Neoclassical Realism by Gideon Rose which is supported through a qualitative method approach with data collection techniques in the form of literature studies. Based on the discussion and analysis, there are three points on how the domestic level plays a major role in the policy of rejecting refugees from North Africa. First, the use of the Put Italian First identity as a nationalist spirit generator by Salvini. Second, there is pressure from interest groups and parties to adopt their interests. Third, the anti-refugee factor of Salvini's leadership made the government exclude international law on refugees.
Diplomasi Ekonomi Indonesia: Hongaria sebagai Pintu Gerbang Pasar Prospektif di Eropa Tengah dan Timur Reskiyah, Emy Sri
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022): Edisi Desember
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.440

Abstract

Indonesia and Hungary have long established good relations, which is reflected in economic relations, including trade, investment, and tourism. These sectors’ performance is a very important indicator for measuring the success of Indonesia's economic diplomacy with Hungary. This study uses descriptive statistical analysis quantitative methods concerning the bilateral relationship between Indonesia and Hungary in the field of economic cooperation and is followed by an analysis of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT). This paper aims to examine the bilateral relations that exist between Indonesia and Hungary in the field of economic cooperation, especially but not limited to the trade, investment, and tourism sectors as part of economic diplomacy in the last ten years (2013- 2022). The result of this study shows Hungary has the potential as a gateway as well as a new prospective market for Indonesia. To make Hungary a gateway for Indonesia's economic diplomacy in the Central and Eastern European Region, collaboration from the penta helix or multi-stakeholders is needed including the government, business people/practitioners, academics, communities, and the media. Keywords: Economic Diplomacy; Trade; Investment; Tourism; Prospective Market
Kebijakan Ekonomi Luar Negeri China dari Masa ke Masa dan Ambisi Internasionalisasi BUMN China di Tangan Xi Jinping Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022): Edisi Desember
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.441

Abstract

Contemporary China's economic growth has shown a prestigious, spectacular, and increasingly strategic position. This is due to the success of the Beijing’s administration in launching reforms program and open-door policy of the foreign economy in 1978. Based on this research, China's global initiation actually started with the vision and legacy of Deng Xiaoping's leadership, namely the policy of good neighbor relations which was in turn transformed by Xi Jinping through an assertive and ambitious style. This can be seen from the emergence of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This research shows that there are three factors underlying Xi Jinping's choice to formulate BRI as the foreign economic policy agenda. First, BRI is a reform in aligning cooperation and economic integration. Second, the emergence of BRI here is Xi Jinping's rationalization to avoid the risk of excess production capacity after the 2008 global financial crisis, so that BRI is used as a medium for relocating the excess capacity. Third, the emergence of BRI as a foreign economy policy is actually a continuation of the SOEs reform itself. That is, China's SOEs internationalization program must get a special arena through the full intervention of Xi Jinping.
Pakta Keamanan Trilateral Aliansi Amerika Serikat, Australia, dan Inggris (AUKUS) Dalam Perspektif Neorealisme Nur Mujahadah Khoiriyah; Nur Aidini
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022): Edisi Desember
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.442

Abstract

Tulisan ini dibuat untuk mendiskusikan terbentuknya pakta keamanan aliansi Amerika Serikat, Inggris dan Australia (AUKUS) sebagai manuver terbaru untuk memperkuat hegemoni Laut Tiongkok Selatan. Terdapat dampak positif dan negatif dari Australia sebagai negara yang direncanakan akan menerima bantuan armada kapal selam bertenaga nuklir selama beberapa dekade mendatang. Topik ini menjadi penting karena AUKUS dinilai membahayakan perdamaian dan keamanan kekuasaan dengan penggunaan senjata nuklir, meskipun dengan kesepakatan ini menjadi langkah untuk menghentikan Cina berkonfrontasi atau melakukan pelanggaran perbatasan di beberapa negara di kawasan. Metode penelitian dalam tulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan memperoleh berbagai literatur yang berkaitan dengan kebijakan pertahanan dan keamanan dan teori neorealisme. Tulisan ini turut mengkorelasikan topik AUKUS dengan konsep high politics. Dalam tulisan ini juga dipaparkan bagaimana dampak AUKUS dan sikap Indonesia dalam menghadapinya.
Peran ASEAN dalam Menghadapi Isu Pelanggaran HAM Pasca Kudeta Militer di Myanmar Tahun 2021 Jusmalia Oktaviani; Lusian Riva
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022): Edisi Desember
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.443

Abstract

The background of this research The background of this research is the military coup in Myanmar in 2021, military coup occurred because of allegations of corruption and election fraud Myanmar in 2020 won by National League for Democracy. Myanmar’s people refuse the coup by doing a demonstration to government and new policies, but Tatmadaw reactionto rejection of the coup resulted a human Rights violations, many victims were killed, violence against society, and violate individual rights. This case raises the issue of human rights violations was conducted by Myanmar post military coup, ASEAN as regional organization in Southeast Asia have the authority to give a response on the issue of human rights violations in Myanmar post military coup. This research used qualitative-descriptive method with liberalism institutionalism and role of international organizations, in this research was conducted to describe the role of ASEAN in resolve the issue of human rights violations in Myanmar post military coup. The result of this research show ASEAN’s role as a communication and cooperation tool to raise this issue in ASEAN’s forum, ASEAN as a platform to generate of five point consensus as a positive solution for Myanmar, and ASEAN as administration platform in promoting realization of five point consensus. All forms of ASEAN’s action in 2021 until 2022 is a part of ASEAN effort to resolve human rights violations in Myanmar post military coup.
Dampak Kerjasama Brunei Indonesia Malaysia Filipina East Asean Growth Area (BIMP-EAGA) Terhadap Ekonomi Indonesia Akhmad Rifky Setya Anugrah; Michael Devone Pangestu
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 1 No. 2 (2023): Edisi Juni
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i2.515

Abstract

Today's global economy is increasingly connected through various forms of economic cooperation between countries. BIMP-EAGA is a regional initiative that aims to promote economic and trade cooperation between the four member countries. This study aims to analyze the impact of BIMP-EAGA (Brunei-Indonesia-Malaysia-Eastern Philippines Economic Growth Area) cooperation on the Indonesian economy. In this study, we use secondary and quantitative data analysis methods to collect information and measure the impact of BIMP-EAGA cooperation on the Indonesian economy. The data used includes statistics on trade, investment, economic growth, job creation, and other related economic sectors. The results of this analysis are expected to provide a better understanding of BIMP-EAGA's contribution to the Indonesian economy. In this study, we will also consider other factors that may affect the results such as national economic policies and external factors. It is hoped that the results of this study can provide insights for the government, policy institutions, and businesses to make better decisions in optimizing the benefits of BIMP-EAGA cooperation. In addition, this research can also serve as a basis for more effective and targeted policy development in utilizing the potential of regional cooperation to boost Indonesia's economic growth.
Gerakan #MeToo dalam Mempromosikan Kesetaraan Buruh: Komparasi Indonesia dan Korea Selatan Natasya Ramadhani Prasetyo
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 1 No. 2 (2023): Edisi Juni
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i2.516

Abstract

Gender equality is something that is still being fought for by feminist activists in various countries. This article discusses the gender gap experienced by female workers in Indonesia and South Korea. #MeToo as a transnational feminist movement can be a catalyst for creating gender equality in various countries. Many #MeToo activists say that this movement can symbolize women workers whose voices are never heard. This study uses qualitative methods to describe phenomena and analyze them in depth. The results of the study found that the #MeToo movement has promoted labor equality, both in Indonesia and in South Korea. However, in terms of legislation, it still has no impact on making laws that can protect women workers from discrimination from companies. This is due to the strong patriarchal culture in both countries so that discrimination in wages and treatment is only seen as a condition that must be accepted.
Analisis Perbandingan Persepsi dalam Perumusan Kebijakan Luar Negeri antara Moon Jae In dan Yoon Suk Yeol terhadap Aliansi Pertahanan Korea Selatan – Amerika Serikat Tahun 2017-2022 Tasya Aryanti Santoso; Aditya Maulana Hasymi; Yoga Suharman; Seftina Kuswardini
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 1 No. 2 (2023): Edisi Juni
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

This study compares the perceptions of foreign policy of the two South Korean leaders, Moon Jae In and Yoon Suk Yeol. The comparison of perceptions leads to the continuation of the defense alliance cooperation with the United States. The political transition is very visible in the two figures in building the progress of cooperation. Moon is known as a liberal-leaning political figure with a humanist style, so he is careful to establish two-way cooperation with the United States and North Korea to avoid threats to security stability in the region. Meanwhile, Yoon Suk Yeol is better known as a leader who represents conservatives as his political principle. Yoon is showing more aggressiveness to increase military strength with the United States in the face of North Korea's possession of nuclear weapons. This study uses the theory of Ole R. Holsti to understand the foreign policy perceptions of each figure which leads to output as foreign policy. There are three components to form a perception scheme in foreign policy, namely information, belief system, and perception. This study found that there are party interests and paradigm values in the belief system that have a strong influence in shaping the perceptions of Moon Jae In and Yoon Suk Yeol. This analysis also shows the contrast between regime shifts which show that both of them have a closed image and there is resistance to the continuation of policies in the previous regime so that the alliance cooperation with the United States experiences dynamics.
UPAYA MILITER AZERBAIJAN DALAM MEMPERTAHANKAN PROVINSI NAGORNO KARABKH 2020 Rahmatul Linsani; Sugeng Riyanto
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 1 No. 2 (2023): Edisi Juni
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i2.522

Abstract

This paper refers to the phenomenon of conflict that occurred in 2020 in the Caucasus region. Where this conflict occurred between two countries, namely Azerbaijan and Armenia, which fought over a territory of Nagorno-Karabakh province. The war, which lasted for 40 days or approximately six weeks, was a concern for many parties. Every effort has been made to resolve this conflict both negotiation and mediation. This research uses qualitative methods that will make literature studies in helping to provide maximum results in this research. This research focuses more on Azerbaijan's reasons why it prefers to take on the policy of confrontation in the resolution of the 2020 conflict. Using John Lovel's strategy, the policy adopted by Azerbaijan is the right strategy taking into account its capabilities and the strategy of the opposing country. This research is expected to help international relations studies in providing references and becoming reference material in research in the same region.

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