Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
The Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH) is a peer-reviewed, biannual journal dedicated to publishing high-quality, interdisciplinary research on Indonesia’s social, economic, political, and cultural dimensions. Now operating under the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), JISSH serves as a platform for scholars, researchers, and practitioners to engage with critical issues both within Indonesia and in broader international contexts. The journal encourages innovative theoretical and empirical work that bridges academic disciplines and contributes to global scholarly conversations. JISSH invites submissions for its biannual issues, published in June and December. As a peer-reviewed journal, it fosters vibrant academic discourse among researchers, educators, graduate students, activists, professionals, and policymakers. We welcome original research articles, research notes, and reviews that explore a wide range of topics related to Indonesia’s society, culture, politics, and international studies. JISSH particularly seeks manuscripts with rigorous analysis—whether theoretical, methodological, or empirical—that contribute to cutting-edge discussions in the social sciences and humanities. Focus and Scope The Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH) provides a peer-reviewed platform and an authoritative source of information for the exchange of ideas and research among scholars in the social sciences and humanities who are interested in Indonesian Studies and/or Global and Area Studies from a Global South perspective. JISSH seeks to publish high-quality research papers, review articles, and book reviews that contribute to knowledge through the application and development of theory, exploration of new data, and/or rigorous analysis of relevant policy issues. The scope of JISSH includes the following areas: Social Sciences: Anthropology, Asian Studies, Communication, Demography, Development Studies, Gender Studies, Government and Public Policy, Human Ecology, International Relations, Media Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Political Science, Science, Technology and Society, Sociology. Humanities: Cultural Studies, Education, History, Human Geography, Linguistics, Philosophy, Religion.
Articles
138 Documents
<![CDATA[Inequalities and Indirect Conflict Interventions: The Evidence on Perceptions of Difference, Social Cohesion, and Sub-national Variations in Violence in Central Sulawesi, Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Diprose, Rachael]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 2 (2009): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[This paper examines the empirical evidence on social cohesion and perceived horizontal inequalities in two neighbouring districts in Central Sulawesi, Indonesia. Despite having similar sized groups (religiously polarised, ethnically fragmented) and the opportunity to mobilise during the national political transition beginning in 1998, only one of the districts had serious violence. First, the evidence suggests that such violence was linked to perceived horizontal inequalities in terms of access to the state, particularly in terms of religious identity in the district affected by conflict. In the same district, there was also evidence of weaker social cohesion: there were more pervasive negative stereotypes of other groups along religious lines, and the least inter-religious mixing in terms of everyday interaction and friendships. These attitudes and less frequent mixing were more likely, too, among the group that was initially marginalised from the state when power-sharing arrangements broke down. Meanwhile, in the district with less violence, there was more frequent inter-religious group mixing overall but particularly on the part of the group that did not dominate the state. That is, frequent inter-religious group mixing and the absence of negative attitudes on the part of this group towards others may have signalled that it was not a viable group to be mobilised for political gain. Instead, in this more peaceful district, ethnic identity was the more salient form of political capital, but demographically the district is ethnically fragmented. Inter-ethnic rather than religious mixing was less frequent in this district, but it was worst among the dominant political group along religious and ethnic lines. Yet, the negative attitudes and stronger in-group (rather than out-group) bonds between members of the dominant political group did not translate into violent conflict because there were minimal challenges to their power during the transition. Finally, the evidence suggests that the associational membership of mixed ethnic or religious organisations is less likely to explain violence prevention, given that membership of such organisations was greater in the conflict-affected district. The evidence overall suggests that demographic divides are not always an indicator of political divides and the propensity for conflict, but rather this is related to the politics of exclusion. Furthermore, it indicates that to some extent increased cross group contact can act as an indirect conflict intervention mechanism.]]>
<![CDATA[If Indonesia is Too Hard to Understand, Let’s Start with Bali ]]>
<![CDATA[MacRae, Graeme]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 3 (2010): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[Stereotypical representations, especially those by the media, are for most outside observers, the means and an obstacle to understanding Indonesia. One way around such stereotypes is to look at the way Indonesians themselves understand Indonesia. This essay reports and reflects on Balinese understandings of Indonesia in the wake of the political, economic and terrorist upheavals of the early years of the twenty-first century. It concludes with an epilogue and update, arguing that the real issues for understanding Indonesia are now environmental. ]]>
<![CDATA[Foreign Policy, Islam and Democracy in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Dewi Fortuna Anwar]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 3 (2010): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[The relations between Islam and Democracy in Indonesia and their implications for the country’s foreign policy have attracted considerable attention in recent years. In the early years of his first presidential term, Susilo Bambang Yudhono introduced the concept of Indonesia’s international identity, that is, as a country in which Islam, democracy and modernity go hand in hand. In the post-9/11 international context, in which perceptions of Islam are largely negative, Indonesia’s special attributes as the largest Muslim-majority country and the world’s third largest democracy have special values. The international community, especially Western countries, has looked to Indonesia to provide an alternative face of Islam in the midst of rising religious extremism and terrorism. Indonesia, however, still faces many challenges in realising its aspirations to be a bridge between the Islamic world and the West, and as an alternative model within the Islamic world. Frequent acts of religious intolerance have marred Indonesia’s claim as a moderate Islamic force while Indonesia has generally been perceived to lie in the periphery of the Islamic world.]]>
<![CDATA[Understanding Indonesia: the Role of Economic Nationalism ]]>
<![CDATA[Wie, Thee Kian]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 3 (2010): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[In this paper it is argued that economic nationalism in Indonesia, in its various manifestations, has been an important factor in determining particular economic policies since Indonesia’s independence up to the present. These economic policies particularly related to the ownership of productive assets owned by foreigners or by residents considered to be ‘foreign’, particularly Dutch business interests before 1957 and the ethnic Chinese, including Sino-Indonesians, and to the economic functions performed by foreigners or by ‘foreign’ residents. Focusing on one factor alone to understand Indonesia, specifically Indonesia’s economic policies over time, is necessarily arbitrary and subjective. However, looking at Indonesia’s modern economic history since independence through the prism of economic nationalism does to an important degree explain or highlight the major considerations underlying particular economic policies of the Indonesian government because they reflected Indonesia’s national aspirations or national interests.]]>
<![CDATA[Participating in Parliamentary Politics: Experiences of Indonesian Women 1995–2010 ]]>
<![CDATA[Davies, Sharyn Graham]]>;
<![CDATA[Idrus, Nurul Ilmi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 3 (2010): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[This article concerns itself with women’s participation in politics and, more specifically, the representation of women in elected legislatures, in Indonesia between 1995 and 2010. The article gives readers a brief overview of the various ways that Indonesian women participate in politics. Examples are given of women being traditional rulers, having political authority, exercising power, becoming presidents and cabinet ministers, participating in protest movements, and being elected to parliament. The article then moves to focus more specifically on the election of women to the Indonesian parliament. The article analyses positive developments that have occurred in the past decade to facilitate women’s entry to parliamentary politics. Although numerous positive developments have indeed taken place, the article argues that women are still hindered in their attempts to get elected to parliament. Drawing on in depth interviews, literature reviews, statistical analysis, and long-term ethnographic research, the authors identify some of the factors limiting women’s election, including the restrictive limited model of womanhood advocated in Indonesia, declining cronyism, the ineffectiveness of the thirty per cent quota, the reputation politics has of being dirty, the influence of religion, and the large sums of money candidates need to support their election campaigns.]]>
<![CDATA[Music for the Pria Dewasa: Changes and Continuities in Class and Pop Music Genres ]]>
<![CDATA[Baulch, Emma]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 3 (2010): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[This paper presents Rolling Stone Indonesia1 (RSI) and places it in an historical context to tease out some changes and continuities in Indonesian middle-class politics since the beginning of the New Order. Some political scientists have claimed that class interests were at the core of the transition from Guided Democracy to the New Order, and popular music scholars generally assert that class underlies pop genre distinctions. But few have paid attention to how class and genre were written into Indonesian pop in the New Order period; Indonesian pop has a fascinating political history that has so far been overlooked. Placing RSI in historical perspective can reveal much about the print media’s classing of pop under New Order era political constraints, and about the ways these modes of classing may or may not have endured in the post-authoritarian, globalised and liberalised media environment.]]>
