Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
The Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH) is a peer-reviewed, biannual journal dedicated to publishing high-quality, interdisciplinary research on Indonesia’s social, economic, political, and cultural dimensions. Now operating under the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), JISSH serves as a platform for scholars, researchers, and practitioners to engage with critical issues both within Indonesia and in broader international contexts. The journal encourages innovative theoretical and empirical work that bridges academic disciplines and contributes to global scholarly conversations. JISSH invites submissions for its biannual issues, published in June and December. As a peer-reviewed journal, it fosters vibrant academic discourse among researchers, educators, graduate students, activists, professionals, and policymakers. We welcome original research articles, research notes, and reviews that explore a wide range of topics related to Indonesia’s society, culture, politics, and international studies. JISSH particularly seeks manuscripts with rigorous analysis—whether theoretical, methodological, or empirical—that contribute to cutting-edge discussions in the social sciences and humanities. Focus and Scope The Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH) provides a peer-reviewed platform and an authoritative source of information for the exchange of ideas and research among scholars in the social sciences and humanities who are interested in Indonesian Studies and/or Global and Area Studies from a Global South perspective. JISSH seeks to publish high-quality research papers, review articles, and book reviews that contribute to knowledge through the application and development of theory, exploration of new data, and/or rigorous analysis of relevant policy issues. The scope of JISSH includes the following areas: Social Sciences: Anthropology, Asian Studies, Communication, Demography, Development Studies, Gender Studies, Government and Public Policy, Human Ecology, International Relations, Media Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Political Science, Science, Technology and Society, Sociology. Humanities: Cultural Studies, Education, History, Human Geography, Linguistics, Philosophy, Religion.
Articles
138 Documents
<![CDATA[Breaking The Silence: Articulating the Memories of the Tanjung Priok Victims ]]>
<![CDATA[Akmaliah, Wahyudi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 5 (2015): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[For the victims of atrocities, the past is not the past: it remains a trauma. The more they try to forget, the more entrenched their memories become. Hence, memory is a means for sustaining their quest for justice—a way victims and their advocates can keep faith in their pursuit of truth, accountability and legal restitution. Unlike the situation during the Suharto presidency when the Indonesian people were silenced, this paper is now able to examine the memories, now articulated, of the people affected by the Tanjung Priok tragedy, which have appeared since Suharto’s fall. This gives momentum to a new phase of political development in which Indonesians, particularly the victims of violence, may break their silence to pursue justice. The following questions need to be asked: what are the circumstances that have encouraged the victims to articulate their memories in the 17 years since Suharto’s departure? In what way have they kept their memories fresh? This paper argues that the main reason they articulate their memory is because of the traumas that always haunted them during the Suharto presidency. The trauma and injustices experienced; the torture, gaol, and the stigma attached to them by the Suharto regime’s propaganda, all ensured that the general Indonesian social memory of the events at Tanjung Priok was false and distorted. But those sites of memory, the rites, monuments, and memoirs served to strengthen the articulation of those memories to enable some redress after Suharto regime had ended.]]>
<![CDATA[Between Islam, Politics, and Democracy: The Political Ideology of Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) ]]>
<![CDATA[Wahyudhi, Nostalgiawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 5 (2015): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[This paper explores the political ideology of one of the most recent Islamic revivalist parties in Indonesia, the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) or the Prosperous Justice Party. The rigidity and strong politico-ideological foundations of the PKS do not fit easily in contemporary Indonesian Muslim society; it is important to find the reasons why the PKS has become moderate in its approach to Indonesian politics. This examination of the PKS’s ideology covers institutional development, political strategies and its attitude to democracy. The political drive of the party has its origins in its very basic ideology that links to the political character of the Muslim Brotherhood. The party uses a rational approach to adapt the ‘objectification’ of Muslim needs from a homogenous to a pluralist society that naturally insists the party contextualise its ideology in building an Islamic state, sharīᶜa implementation and democracy.]]>
<![CDATA[Exploring The European Union Renewable Energy Directive and Its Implications for Indonesia’s Palm Oil Industry ]]>
<![CDATA[Widyatmoko, Bondan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 5 (2015): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Renewable Energy Directive (RED) is a vehicle for environmental NGOs concerned about biodiversity destruction in Indonesia, for European biodiesel producers to admit new competitors, and for European Union (EU) interests to build a secure and sustainable economy for their region. In other words, it is a manifestation of the different interests of many agencies that share grace and favour over palm oil development in the EU. By observing the RED as the vehicle and the EU system of governance as its course, this paper records the interactions between those agencies in shaping the policy. The observations allow for agencies contributions to the images of palm oil. It depicts that biodiversity destruction is the basis for the sustainability criteria in the RED but it was not the only cause of the slowing down in the pace of the Indonesian palm oil market penetration in the region. To some extent, the RED is considered a trade barrier for Indonesian palm oil. However, the RED is an incentive to strengthen the image of the palm oil industry in a more constructive way and ensure the longevity of the industry.]]>
<![CDATA[Nuclear Village and Risk Construction in Japan: A Lesson Learned for Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Sarjiati, Upik]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 5 (2015): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[Japan’s success in the development of nuclear energy cannot be separated from the role of the ‘nuclear village’, a pro-nuclear group comprising experts, bureaucrats, politicians and the mass media. The nuclear village created an image of nuclear energy as ‘safe, cheap and reliable’. Using this nuclear village was one of the strategies used to construct a perception of the risk of nuclear energy. Thus, the acceptance by Japanese people of nuclear energy is an important factor in their support for economic development. However, the Fukushima nuclear accident changed the public’s perception of nuclear energy and the Japanese Government was asked to end the operation of nuclear power plants. The government decided to change energy policy by phasing out nuclear power by the end of year 2030. Conversely, the Fukushima nuclear accident has not impeded the Indonesian Government’s plans to build nuclear power plants. Thus, understanding how the Japanese Government managed nuclear risk is expected to raise Indonesian public awareness of such risks.]]>
<![CDATA[Regional Shift to Bahasa Indonesia: ‘Old Vernacular’ In A New Identity ]]>
<![CDATA[Kleden-Probonegoro, Ninuk]]>;
<![CDATA[Imelda]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 5 (2015): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Gamkonora people are an ethnic group in Indonesia whose members have an outstanding linguistic ability: they are able to speak more than two languages, that is, two or more of Gamkonora, Ternatan-Malay, Ternate, and Bahasa Indonesia. The use of these languages is related to the residual traces of the powers that have ruled the area in the history of North Maluku: the Ternate sultanate, European colonialists and Indo nesian central government since independence. Reflecting on the current language behaviour of the Gamko noran younger generation, which tends to be the Indonesian language (read Malay); the authors question how far the Gamkonoran’s Indonesian language ability has influenced their Gamkonoran language and culture. Through ethnographic studies, the authors found that two languages—Indonesian and Gamkonoran—have different roles in their culture. Therefore, the language shift to Bahasa Indonesia by Gamkonoran youth will not replace the Gamkonoran language because the use of their tribal language is supported by their traditional institutions.]]>
<![CDATA[The Emergence of Female Politicians in Local Politics in Post-Suharto Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Kurniawati Hastuti Dewi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 5 (2015): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[This dissertation addresses factors behind the rise and victory of Javanese Muslim women political lead ers in direct elections since 2005, in post-Suharto Indonesia. By using gender perspectives to examine political phenomenon, it reveals that that the role of Islam, gender, and networks are decisive to their political victory. The Islamic belief on female leadership at the local level, provides a strong religious foundation for Javanese Muslim women politicians to assume political leadership. Ability to use their gender in combination with the idea and practice of Islamic piety, and to use religio-political support and male/female base networks in political campaign, is significant. This findings indicates that important social changes has occurred in post Suharto Indonesia in where more Muslim women continue to take political leadership role beginning in local politics and gradually rising to national politics. In broader scope, this dissertation signifies that a new trend of Muslim women political leaders evolving in politics colors future discourse on gender, politics and Islam in Indonesia and more generally in Southeast Asia.]]>
<![CDATA[The Bandung Spirit: Nation State and Democracy ]]>
<![CDATA[Lay, Cornelis]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 6 No. 1 (2016): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[This article aims to show the relevance of the Bandung Asia Africa Conference in 1955 to the current debate on democracy. It argues that the Bandung Asian-African Conference was the second massive but well coordinated democratic movement on a global scale. It has paved the way for the production of new political space globally as well as for individual nations -- space that is more democratic in nature, where people can claim and exercise their citizenship rights. Reflecting on Soekarno’s speech at the opening of the Asia Africa Conference, this article argues that there is an urgent need for a deeper involvement of political and social forces of the Global South to put themselves as the front liners in defining and making use of democracy, instead of leaving it to be dictated by Neo-liberal lines of thinking. This is so because Indonesian experience during the last 15 years or so has clearly demonstrated the very limits of liberal democracy. This article further argues the need to build a collaborative effort amongst scholars of the Southern Hemisphere to challenge the superiority of liberal ideas and practices of democracy.]]>
<![CDATA[From Brussels to Bogor: Contacts, Networks and the History of the Bandung Conference 1955 ]]>
<![CDATA[Utama, Wildan Sena]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 6 No. 1 (2016): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[This article discusses the roots of the Bandung Conference of 1955 by tracing the alliance of Asian and African worldwide internationalism and anti-imperialism that existed since the early twentieth century. It attempts to show that although the conference emerged during the height of the Cold War, the network behind this alliance had gradually developed since the interwar period. The solidarity of this alliance lay in the common history of the colonized people that struggled to become sovereign. Contacts, meetings and conferences that took place in Europe and Asia juxtaposed the anti-imperialist movement of Asian and African countries. This article argues that the Bandung Conference 1955 was the culmination of relationships and connections of an Afro-Asian group who had been long oppressed by colonialism, racism and class superiority.]]>
