Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
The Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH) is a peer-reviewed, biannual journal dedicated to publishing high-quality, interdisciplinary research on Indonesia’s social, economic, political, and cultural dimensions. Now operating under the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), JISSH serves as a platform for scholars, researchers, and practitioners to engage with critical issues both within Indonesia and in broader international contexts. The journal encourages innovative theoretical and empirical work that bridges academic disciplines and contributes to global scholarly conversations. JISSH invites submissions for its biannual issues, published in June and December. As a peer-reviewed journal, it fosters vibrant academic discourse among researchers, educators, graduate students, activists, professionals, and policymakers. We welcome original research articles, research notes, and reviews that explore a wide range of topics related to Indonesia’s society, culture, politics, and international studies. JISSH particularly seeks manuscripts with rigorous analysis—whether theoretical, methodological, or empirical—that contribute to cutting-edge discussions in the social sciences and humanities. Focus and Scope The Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH) provides a peer-reviewed platform and an authoritative source of information for the exchange of ideas and research among scholars in the social sciences and humanities who are interested in Indonesian Studies and/or Global and Area Studies from a Global South perspective. JISSH seeks to publish high-quality research papers, review articles, and book reviews that contribute to knowledge through the application and development of theory, exploration of new data, and/or rigorous analysis of relevant policy issues. The scope of JISSH includes the following areas: Social Sciences: Anthropology, Asian Studies, Communication, Demography, Development Studies, Gender Studies, Government and Public Policy, Human Ecology, International Relations, Media Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Political Science, Science, Technology and Society, Sociology. Humanities: Cultural Studies, Education, History, Human Geography, Linguistics, Philosophy, Religion.
Articles
138 Documents
<![CDATA[Australian Government Policy in Facing the Post-Covid Workforce Crisis 2020-2022 ]]>
<![CDATA[Maharani, Azzahra]]>;
<![CDATA[Kurniawan, Sharla Martiza Putri]]>;
<![CDATA[Hanabell, Stephanie Mathea]]>;
<![CDATA[Choirunnisa, Feyza Nabila]]>;
<![CDATA[Azmi, Muhammad Hilal]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 14 No. 1 (2024): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[COVID-19 has had an enormous impact on global markets and affected labor markets as there has been a drastic reduction in income and employment worldwide. The pandemic continues to pose pressing new legal issues for the Australian government, employers and workers. Governments are missing opportunities to address the gender pay gap. With the development of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Australian government is engaging in a wide range of activities and actions by Australian public service departments and agencies. The economic instability experienced by Australia during the COVID-19 pandemic has given impetus to the government's vision of economic recovery. Using qualitative methods, this research explains how the implementation of Australian government policies can work well. The conceptual framework used as a foundation is foreign policy according to K.J. Holsti and Rosenau. The results of the study will illustrate that the government policies implemented by Australia in dealing with the post-covid labor crisis in 2020-2022 can realize a significant reduction in unemployment.]]>
<![CDATA[China’s Economic Diplomacy Towards Indonesia’s Development: A Case Study of Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Railway ]]>
<![CDATA[Noor, Emyr Mochammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Yiming, Song]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 14 No. 1 (2024): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Jakarta-Bandung High-Speed Railway (HSR) project represents a cornerstone of the evolving partnership between Indonesia and China, symbolizing the integration of strategic interests and economic diplomacy. Aligned with China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Indonesia's infrastructure development agenda, the project underscores the role of connectivity in fostering regional growth. This study examines the project’s strategic, economic, and geopolitical dimensions, emphasizing China's diplomatic strategies, including technology transfer, financial flexibility, and long-term cooperation frameworks. The HSR highlights mutual benefits, ranging from economic growth and employment creation to enhanced intercity mobility, while offering a model for bilateral collaboration. The research also explores challenges, such as political leadership transitions in Indonesia, external geopolitical pressures from the United States, and competition with Japan’s high-speed rail technologies. Despite these obstacles, the HSR demonstrates the potential of infrastructure projects to address global development goals and foster sustainable growth. By focusing on the project's implications within the BRI framework, the paper provides insights into China's aspirations for regional influence and its strategy to position itself as a global leader in high-speed rail development. Ultimately, the Jakarta-Bandung HSR serves as both a symbol and a practical example of how economic diplomacy can drive strategic partnerships, strengthen regional integration, and reshape perceptions of global power dynamics. This collaboration reflects the increasing interdependence of Indonesia and China, laying the foundation for future infrastructure initiatives and solidifying their roles in the global economic landscape.]]>
<![CDATA[The US Engagement in the Bilateral General Security of Information Agreement (GSOMIA) of Japan - South Korea As an Effort of Us Hegemony in the East Asia Region ]]>
<![CDATA[Septiyanto, Defan Najmi]]>;
<![CDATA[Poerwantika, Tine Ratna]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 14 No. 2 (2024): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[North Korea's nuclear development is quite a serious problem for the East Asian region, especially Japan and South Korea, because nuclear development requires cooperation in the exchange of information or what is known as the general security of military information agreement (GSOMIA) between Japan and South Korea, but with the existence of factors Unfavorable history makes this cooperation difficult to agree on. The involvement of the United States in the East Asia region is considered as an affinity for both countries so that the two countries signed the GSOMIA cooperation. This research uses qualitative methods with the aim of finding out the complexity of the East Asian region, the United States' efforts to maintain its hegemony, and better understanding the content of GSOMIA bilateral cooperation. In this research, researchers used regional security complex theory, hegemony stability theory and the concept of security cooperation. This research explains how the development of North Korean nuclear activities ultimately makes conditions in the East Asia region increasingly complex. In this research, the author concludes that the United States' involvement in GSOMIA is an effort to maintain United States hegemony.]]>
<![CDATA[Collaborative Governance in Creative Economy: A Case Study of the Tourism and Culture Department in Majalengka Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[Ariesmansyah, Andre]]>;
<![CDATA[Rosana, Mira]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 14 No. 1 (2024): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[The results of this study indicate that the Collaborative Governance Assessment process in the development of the creative economy at the Tourism and Culture Office of Majalengka Regency is progressing well. This success is attributed to the region's potential to develop creative industry facilities, particularly in the performing arts sector. The research concludes that the Collaborative Governance Assessment process in fostering the creative economy within the Department of Tourism and Culture of Majalengka Regency has been effective. Collaboration with various stakeholders, including creative economy actors and sponsors, has yielded positive outcomes and aligned with the expected targets. Furthermore, this collaboration has the potential to nurture young talents, paving the way for further advancement of the creative economy in Majalengka Regency.]]>
<![CDATA[The Response of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to the Wave of Islamophobia in India ]]>
<![CDATA[Septiyana, Iyan]]>;
<![CDATA[Minardi, Anton]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 14 No. 2 (2024): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[Islamophobia has led to discrimination against Muslims, including in India. Historical tensions rooted in religious divisions have evolved into systemic oppression under Hindutva ideology, leading to discriminatory policies, violence, and social exclusion against India’s estimated 200 million-strong Muslim population. This study examines the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) response to Islamophobia in India, as the GCC is India’s trading partner, focusing on the differences between its member states’ economic priorities and their shared Islamic identities. The GCC’s approach to the issue remains fragmented. Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Oman, and Bahrain prioritize strong economic ties with India, driven by interdependence in trade and energy. In contrast, Kuwait and Qatar have taken a more oppositional stance, condemning India’s Hindu nationalist agenda and highlighting human rights violations. The study uses a constructivist framework to explore the interplay between regional identities, national interests, and intergovernmentalism in the GCC’s decision-making process. The results show that the GCC’s response reflects the interests of individual member states, highlighting the intergovernmental nature of the organization. This pragmatic approach emphasizes the prioritization of economic dependence over actions based on collective identity solidarity. The study concludes that although Islamophobia in India poses a moral dilemma for GCC members, economic interests dominate their bilateral relations.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia's Commitment to Combating the Crime of Terrorism through Diplomatic Communication and Global Development Cooperation: Papua KKB Case Study ]]>
<![CDATA[Wahidah, Tuhfahtu Hasanatul]]>;
<![CDATA[Pamungkas, Ananda Triaji]]>;
<![CDATA[Amanusa, Nicky Felix]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 14 No. 2 (2024): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[This research analyzes Indonesia's commitment to dealing with terrorist crimes through communication diplomacy and global development cooperation, with a main focus on the case of Kelompok Kriminal Bersenjata (KKB) in Papua. This research uses a qualitative approach using Internet based research methods which use the Internet as a source of data and information search to explore the role of the Indonesian government in responding to the threat of terrorism aimed at the KKB in Papua. The results of this research highlight various policies that have been implemented, such as the determination of KKB actions as criminal acts of terrorism based on the Law No. 5 of 2018, the implementation of international diplomacy, and also multilateral cooperation efforts, such as ASEAN Convention on Counter-Terrorism (ACCT). Increasing the status of the KKB as an act of terrorism encourages the government to be more able to act without being limited to handling ordinary criminal acts so that a more intensive approach to counter-terrorism measures can be taken. Even though the Government has taken many significant actions, challenges such as the geographic conditions of Papua, the ownership of automatic weapons by the KKB, as well as pressure from the international community, especially Pacific countries, are challenges that make efforts to resolve this conflict even more complex. This research recommends improving development communication strategies that can be more inclusive and humane as well as increasing international cooperation to maintain the stability and security of Papua. Diplomatic communication plays an important role in building dialogue channels between countries, international organizations and non-state parties. In this way, a long-term, sustainable resolution can be achieved, not only using a military approach but also political dialogue and socio-economic development.]]>
<![CDATA[The Role of the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) and Investment in Indonesia’s Economic Diplomacy ]]>
<![CDATA[Budiman, Imam]]>;
<![CDATA[Abdurrahman, Bulbul]]>;
<![CDATA[Aradea, Masayu Fatimah Azmi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 15 No. 1 (2025): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[This article examines how Indonesia mobilizes economic diplomacy through Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreements (CEPAs) to attract foreign investment and strengthen economic resilience. While CEPAs have proliferated as “deep” trade frameworks that extend beyond tariffs to services, standards, and investment provisions, evidence on how they deliver real-economy outcomes remains mixed. Adopting a qualitative, multiple–case design, the study synthesizes secondary sources—policy texts, official reports, and scholarly literature—and employs document analysis and process tracing to identify the mechanisms through which CEPA commitments are translated into performance. Findings indicate that four pathways—credibility signaling, rule harmonization, value-chain integration and aftercare alignmen are associated with export diversification and improved conditions for greenfield investment. These effects, however, are contingent on sub-national implementation capacity, regulatory coherence across agencies, and exposure to geoeconomic risks The study contributes by shifting the evaluation of CEPAs from “agreement presence” to “mechanisms under identifiable domestic conditions,” and it offers actionable recommendations: professionalize investment facilitation and aftercare, prioritize standards interoperability, and embed risk-management provisions in digital and investment chapters. Limitations stem from reliance on secondary data; future research should incorporate firm-level microdata to test mechanisms causally.]]>
<![CDATA[The Electoral Failure of the Indonesian Solidarity Party in the 2024 Legislative Elections ]]>
<![CDATA[Putra, Anselmus Herosolimitanus Gafita]]>;
<![CDATA[Herdiansah, Ari Ganjar]]>;
<![CDATA[Paskarina, Caroline]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 15 No. 1 (2025): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[RMPI-BRIN ]]>
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<![CDATA[Despite adopting a digital platform and receiving support from national political figures, including President Joko Widodo and Kaesang Pangarep, who became the party's chairman, the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) suffered an electoral failure in the 2024 legislative elections. This journal analyzes the factors behind this failure. Adopting the digital party concept perspective, the study reveals that the PSI's electoral failure was due to its failure to implement digital platform logic in its governance. This study employs a qualitative descriptive approach, utilizing a theory-based case study method and data collected through interviews with a PSI division head and PSI cadres, to analyze this phenomenon. Secondary data from scientific literature and digital media also support the study. The findings reveal that the PSI was unable to establish a comprehensive operational system. Furthermore, the PSI's digital transformation was not substantive or holistic. PSI has not established a participatory digital membership system, an open cadre mechanism for selecting leadership candidates, a deliberative channel for developing programs and policy objectives, or a two-way communication system for shaping its public image. PSI's resources are not managed transparently, nor are they used to build a digital ecosystem aligned with the five pillars of a digital party. As a result, PSI has been unable to establish a superbase, an active and loyal community of supporters, to serve as the party's main strength. In the context of open proportional elections, the PSI lacks a mechanism to support its candidates through its digital platform. Thus, the party's digital visibility cannot be converted into electoral votes. Additionally, support from political elites cannot significantly impact the party's electoral results due to the lack of an ideal, systemic institutionalization of the party. PSI relies too heavily on Jokowi and Kaesang. This study shows that digital parties cannot function solely by relying on digital platforms; they also require institutionalization as robust political structures.]]>
