Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
The Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH) is a peer-reviewed, biannual journal dedicated to publishing high-quality, interdisciplinary research on Indonesia’s social, economic, political, and cultural dimensions. Now operating under the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), JISSH serves as a platform for scholars, researchers, and practitioners to engage with critical issues both within Indonesia and in broader international contexts. The journal encourages innovative theoretical and empirical work that bridges academic disciplines and contributes to global scholarly conversations. JISSH invites submissions for its biannual issues, published in June and December. As a peer-reviewed journal, it fosters vibrant academic discourse among researchers, educators, graduate students, activists, professionals, and policymakers. We welcome original research articles, research notes, and reviews that explore a wide range of topics related to Indonesia’s society, culture, politics, and international studies. JISSH particularly seeks manuscripts with rigorous analysis—whether theoretical, methodological, or empirical—that contribute to cutting-edge discussions in the social sciences and humanities. Focus and Scope The Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH) provides a peer-reviewed platform and an authoritative source of information for the exchange of ideas and research among scholars in the social sciences and humanities who are interested in Indonesian Studies and/or Global and Area Studies from a Global South perspective. JISSH seeks to publish high-quality research papers, review articles, and book reviews that contribute to knowledge through the application and development of theory, exploration of new data, and/or rigorous analysis of relevant policy issues. The scope of JISSH includes the following areas: Social Sciences: Anthropology, Asian Studies, Communication, Demography, Development Studies, Gender Studies, Government and Public Policy, Human Ecology, International Relations, Media Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Political Science, Science, Technology and Society, Sociology. Humanities: Cultural Studies, Education, History, Human Geography, Linguistics, Philosophy, Religion.
Articles
138 Documents
<![CDATA[Beyond Ideology: China-Indonesia Engagement and the Making of the Guided Democracy, 1955-1959 ]]>
<![CDATA[Xie, Kankan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 6 No. 1 (2016): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[China’s engagement with Indonesia from 1955 to 1959 was neither ideologically oriented nor realpolitik, but somewhere in between. It happened not only because of the changing domestic political situations or completely subject to the shifting international environment, but was also closely associated with intrinsic social and historical issues that transcended geographical, ideological and ethnic boundaries within and across the two nation-states. To some extent, this effective engagement was not a result of Indonesia’s leaning towards the left, but a reason for it—not in the sense of direct political intervention, but through the pursuit of common identity and interest, which significantly shaped the making of Indonesia’s Guided Democracy.]]>
<![CDATA[One Method to Improve The Official Poverty Line in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Firdausy, Carunia Mulya]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 6 No. 1 (2016): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[Poverty is one of the long standing problems in Indonesia. Using the national absolute poverty line, it was estimated that the proportion of the poor has declined from 40.1% in 1976 to 10.5% in 2014. However, many people claim that the above percentage of the poor is only true in terms of statistics. The poor argue that the amount of rupiah expenditure set as the official poverty line is inadequate to fulfil their basic needs. This paper, based on a field survey of 360 respondents of the poor and the non-poor in three villages in three different provinces located in the Eastern, Western and Central parts of Indonesia, aims at examining a method to improve the national poverty line and to determine the minimum rupiah expenditure of the poverty line using a subjective approach. The method used to examine this research question is by - using questionnaires, Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and in depth interviews. Sample respondents were asked their perceptions on variables, dimensions and indicators that should be accommodated in formulating the subjective poverty line. They were also questioned about the minimum rupiah expenditure threshold to define the subjective poverty line. The study found that the official poverty line that has been determined by the government was far below the subjective poverty line that was defined by the respondents. Also, the variables, dimension and indicators that should be accommodated in the national poverty line should not only be food items, but also access to employment, housing, health and education for children. The minimum rupiah expenditure of the poverty line was argued to be more than Rp 500 000 equal to US$40 per capita per month. This minimum rupiah expenditure of the subjective poverty line is almost double that of the official poverty line set at the average of Rp 300 000 or US$24 per capita per month. Therefore, the government not only needs to revise the present poverty line, but also needs to revise policies and programs to eliminate poverty by taking into account the dimension and variables of poverty viewed by the poor and the non-poor. If not, the incidence of poverty will remain with us.]]>
<![CDATA[Ethno-Religious Identification and Social Distance Between Muslims and Christians: Analysis on Social Identity Theory ]]>
<![CDATA[Pamungkas, Cahyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 6 No. 1 (2016): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[This article aims to investigate the relationship between ethno-religious identity and the social distance between Muslims and Christians in Ambon and Yogyakarta, taking into account factors at the individual level. Also, this research is addressed to fill a gap in the literature between studies that emphasize economic and political competition as the main sources of conflict, and studies that focus on prejudice and discrimination as causes of conflict. The central question is: “to what extent is ethno-religious identification present among Muslims and Christians in Ambon and Yogyakarta and observable in their daily lives?” This research uses social identity theory that attempts to question why people like their in-group, and dislike out-groups. The theory says that individuals struggle for positive in-group distinctiveness, and have positive attitudes toward their in-group and negative attitudes towards out-groups. This research uses both quantitative and qualitative approaches. A survey was conducted with 1500 university students from six universities in Ambon and Yogyakarta. By using quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis, this study came up with several findings. Firstly, the study found high levels of religious identification among Muslim and Christian respondents, demonstrated by their participation in religious practices, which we define as frequency of praying, attending religious services, and reading the Holy Scriptures. Secondly, social distance consists of contact avoidance, avoidance of future spouses from another religion, and the support for residential segregation. Differences from the mean show that Muslim respondents tend to display higher contact avoidance and support for residential segregation compared to Christian respondents. Thirdly, analysis of variance demonstrates that elements of ethno-religious identity are related significantly to elements of social distance.]]>
<![CDATA[Managing Conflict Through: Cross-Border Cooperation: A Study at the Indonesia-Timor Leste Border ]]>
<![CDATA[Raharjo, Sandy Nur Ikfal]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 6 No. 1 (2016): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[Since the separation of Timor Leste from Indonesia in 2002, disputes over the border area have existed and have occasionally escalated to be communal conflicts. Due to the involvement of people to people relations, government to government negotiation is not enough to resolve these conflicts. Hence, both countries established cross-border cooperation as an alternative. This research analyzed the role of cross-border cooperation in managing communal conflicts in the border area between the Timor Tengah Utara District of Indonesia and the Oecussi District of Timor Leste. The research was conducted in a qualitative approach, while the data was collected by interview, observation, and literature review. This study showed that cross border cooperation played a significance role in managing the conflict by reducing violence, building and maintaining social relations, as well as improving the economic development of the local people.]]>
<![CDATA[The Bloodshed in North Halmahera: Roots, Escalation, and Reconciliation ]]>
<![CDATA[Usman]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 6 No. 2 (2016): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[This paper aims to explain the conflict on North Maluku Island or North Halmahera in 1999 to be more specific. When compared with the conflict in Ambon, the conflict in North Halmahera is much greater in terms of the number of victims and material losses. There are several factors that influenced the conflict such as politics, economics and religion. It seems that politics and religion were the dominant underlying factors of the conflict. At that time, the mass media did not report the conflict effectively, so that the resolution of the conflict came too late and the conflict escalated and spread to the entire region of North Maluku. The most fundamental thing causing the conflict was associated with regional growth (pemekaran), namely the emergence of a new sub-district within the existing sub-district of Kao. The new sub-district was created by the Makian, who are migrants from the island of Kie Besi in North Maluku. They pushed the government to establish a new sub-district of Makian Daratan within the sub-district of Kao. The Pagu people, natives to the area, rejected the regional growth. There was a demonstration that ended in a fight between the Pagu and the Makian. Coincidentally, most of the Pagu are Christian and all of the Makian are Muslim. This led to religious issues becoming a factor with certain parties. As a result, this was a horizontal conflict wrapped with religious issues. In terms of methodology, this paper was written using a qualitative approach that produces descriptive data about the conflicts in North Halmahera. The analysis of the field data was undertaken using some theories of conflict. As a conclusion it can be stated that the conflict in North Halmahera is basically a conflict of interest that is wrapped with religious issues.]]>
<![CDATA[Syuhada Mosque and Its Community in Changing Yogyakarta, 1950s-1980s ]]>
<![CDATA[Zara, Muhammad Yuanda]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 6 No. 2 (2016): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[One of Yogyakarta city’s symbols of colonialism is the Kotabaru region, which during the colonial period was a housing complex for Dutch officials and a handful of Indonesian elite. The Japanese took over the area during their Occupation. Following Indonesian independence, Indonesians seized the area for the interests of the newly born Republic of Indonesia. Syuhada Mosque, the first modern mosque in post-independence Indonesia, was then built there, representing both Islam and Indonesian nationalism, as the mosque’s name and location suggest. Unlike most Indonesian mosques at the time, which were established primarily as a place for worship, Syuhada brought social and political missions. The activities of its community encompassed religious practices (such as five obligatory daily prayers and recital of Koranic verses), handling social matters (education for children, youth and women, debate on Islam and modernity, and counter-Christianization activities), as well as responding to national politics (such as the anti-Communist movement in 1960s). Its community mostly lived outside the immediate environment of the mosque, yet Syuhada managed to present itself not just as a mosque for a small community, but for a city, even for the Indonesian nation-state. Given its four decades of overarching religious and sociopolitical functions, the mosque is deliberately aimed at a new generation of Indonesian Muslims: middle class, urban, educated, and open-minded Muslims, and serves as a role model for later mosques and religious institutions.]]>
<![CDATA[The Roles of Islamic Organizations in Civil Society And Political Society: Malaysia and Indonesia Compared ]]>
<![CDATA[Putri, Aisah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 6 No. 2 (2016): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[In both Malaysia and Indonesia, Islamic organizations have played significant roles not only in civil society, but also in political society. By contrasting the Malaysian and Indonesian cases, this paper builds a notion arguing that it is possible for the Islamic organizations in civil society to objectively and actively oversee the state even when they are strongly linked to political parties. However, it needs specific conditions, namely a democratic system, a weak political coalition, and an independent integration process to allow Islamic organizations to move into political society. This argument is also antithetical to a popular neo-Tocquevilleans’ argument that civil society should be separated from political society to function effectively.]]>
<![CDATA[Lessons Learned from The Electoral Experience of The Justice and Development Party (Adalet Ve Kalkinma Parti) 2002-2011 ]]>
<![CDATA[Qassem, Nadhera Mohammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohtar, Nor Hafeza]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad, Azhana]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 6 No. 2 (2016): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[This paper examines the electoral process in Turkey concerning the rise of the Justice Development Party (Adalet Ve Kalkinma Parti or AKP) and their experiences in the Turkish electoral process. The evolution of AKP as a major opposition party until its electoral success is explored. The focal point of this paper is to examine the party’s evolution, particularly in the area of changes in strategies, political agenda and responses to external and internal challenges. This study finds that AKP has managed to win consecutive Turkish elections and has maintained its support from the masses by means of moderate and modern approaches and reforms. This study is based on secondary sources. Books and scholarly articles concerning the issue were examined along with newspaper articles. Furthermore, this paper is purely a descriptive one and not based on any particular theory.]]>
<![CDATA[The Defects of Police Reform in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Haripin, Muhamad]]>;
<![CDATA[Siregar, Sarah Nuraini]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 6 No. 2 (2016): Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
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<![CDATA[This paper discusses the development of the Indonesian National Police (POLRI) in undertaking internal reform, and its place within the democratic transition in Indonesia. This paper tries to enrich the on-going discussion on police and political dynamics, and to provide valuable insight into internal debates. The main challenges to advancing reform are identified, which are the politicization of the police and external obstruction.]]>
