Journal of International Relations Studies
Journal of International Relations seeks original manuscripts that provide theoretically informed empirical analyses of issues in international relations, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The journal represents no particular school or approach, nor is it restricted to any particular methodology. Instead, it seeks to foster an awareness of methodological and epistemological questions in the study of International Relations, and to reflect research and developments of a conceptual, normative and empirical nature in all the major sub-areas of the field.
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<![CDATA[Analisis Kebijakan Penjualan Senjata Militer Donald Trump ke Arab Saudi ]]>
<![CDATA[Hidayatullah, Muhamad Rachmat]]>;
<![CDATA[Wahyudi, Fendy Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study aims to find out why Donald Trump ignored the congress in selling weapons to Saudi Arabia. The majority of the congress wants Trump to stop selling his weapons to Saudi Arabia because of controversies about Saudi Arabia such as ignoring human rights in the Yemen conflict and the possible role of the Saudi government in killing Jamal Khashoggi, a Saudi journalist. This study uses poliheuristic theory and qualitative methods in analyzing. In poliheuristics, leaders will eliminate alternative choices that are not in accordance with their noncompensatory principles. In general, the noncompensatory is a choice that does not harm the domestic political status, but the principle of noncompensatory can differ between leaders. An influential factor is the character of the leader in determining foreign policy which causes leaders to tend to fight their political constraints. The results of this study are that Trump has a task-oriented leader character and has high confidence in his ability to cope with events. This character influenced his foreign policy making to ignore his political obstacles, so Trump dared to make the decision to continue selling military weapons without congressional approval.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Kebijakan Ghana Menangani Digital Dumping Ground di Agbogbloshie ]]>
<![CDATA[Purnama, Oliex Candra]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, ika Riswanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[As technology develops, the need for information technology devices increases. It wouldalso increase the electronic waste products. This study aims to describe how the policies andactions of the Ghanaian government dealing with e-waste issues. Based on the data collected,Ghana to receive e-waste from many different development countries. Ghana, in the city ofAgbogbloshie is the largest digital dumping ground in the world. E-waste is a hazardous wastethat has a long-term impact on society and the environment. In this study, authors used theDescriptive research method. This research is problem solving that investigated and analyzed bydescribing the subject or object of state, person, institution, society and others. The author foundthat Ghana is implementing a prefentive policy strategy and conducts more detailed oversight indealing with e-waste. Nevertheless, in 2016 Ghana has become the largest landfill in the world.In addition, Ghana has also conducted several collaborations in dealing with e-waste with othercountries such as China, Israel and the United Kingdom.]]>
<![CDATA[Upaya Diplomasi Indonesia dalam Kasus Pembebasan Pekerja Migran Indonesia Terpidana Hukum Pancung di Arab Saudi: Periode 2014-2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Prativi, Dhiajeng Cinthya]]>;
<![CDATA[Pattipeilhy, Shary Charlotte Henriette]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The problem of death penalty that befell Indonesian migrant workers in Saudi Arabia reached dozens of migrant workers starting from 2014-2018. Indonesian government in this case has made efforts to releasing the migrant workers which have been entangled by this death penalty and these efforts are a form of diplomatic relations, diplomatic protection, and the embodiment of official diplomacy in the first track diplomacy. Therefore, this research intends to describe Indonesia’s diplomatic efforts in the process of releasing death penalty’s convicted migrant workers in Saudi Arabia, and to describe the Indonesian government’s inhibition in guarding cases that ensnare the migrant workers due to Indonesia’s lower bargaining position than Saudi Arabia. This research uses two concepts, first concept is diplomacy, that can explain the efforts of Indonesian government diplomacy, formal diplomacy or the informal diplomacy. Second concept is bargaining position which can explain the obstruction of the Indonesian government because of its bargaining position in overseeing the cases. The results of this research are Indonesia's bargaining position is lower and weaker compared to Saudi Arabia because of several factors such as poor governance of the protection of Indonesian migrant workers, Indonesia’s dependency on Saudi Arabia, Indonesia’s economic problems, and owning death penalty system in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Memberantas Kejahatan Transnasional di Jalur Segitiga Asia Tenggara, Wilayah Perairan Laut Sulu ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahman, Adi Fadhilah Nurul]]>;
<![CDATA[Susiatiningsih, Rr. Hermini]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Sulu Sea is potential trade route in Southeast Asia region, located between Indonesia, Malaysia, and Phillipines. As the function for trading route, this sea possibly jeopardized by threats such as piracy. Data collection techniques used in this study are library research, and use qualitative method. This research utilized the concept of transnational crime by M. Cherif Bassioni for proving the transnational element in the occurring crime. Moreover, the concept of maritime security by Klein also has been implemented in order to fully protect the sovereign territory from existed threats in the sea. To realize it, this research applied Robert Keohane’s neo-liberal institutionalism theory for explaining Indonesia, Malaysia, and Phillipinnes struggles for their maritime security. Those countries had declared the broad cooperation among them to protect Sulu-Sulawesi. The cooperation generated several responsibilities to implement for the members and essentially required compliance of them. In addition, the three countries also conduct joint exercises and patrols. Furthermore, the cooperation had decreased significantly the number of piracy in that sea. This research also examined the supports and burdens which had been experienced by this vigorous cooperation. The results that obtained from this effort are a decrease in crime rates in the Sulu Sea waters.]]>
<![CDATA[Faktor Domestik di Balik Kerjasama Ekonomi: Kebijakan Jepang terhadap Indonesia dalam Skema Indonesia-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (IJ-EPA) 2008 – 2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Islamawati, Dian]]>;
<![CDATA[Rosyidin, Mohamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The end of Japanese occupation during World War II made Japan finally provide war compensation assistance to its former colonies, including Indonesia, known as Japan ODA assistance. Over time, this assistance was also used by Japan as a means of maintaining good relations between Japan and Indonesia. After the ODA assistance took place for 50 years (1958-2008), then in 2008 Japan and Indonesia entered into bilateral economic cooperation through the Indonesia-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (IJ-EPA) scheme. However, the cooperation that has been carried out for 10 years (2008-2018) has resulted an imbalance because the economic benefits were dominated by the Japanese, while the benefits gained by Indonesia were not significant. In addition to the economy, Japanese policy in the IJ-EPA is also used to dominate other fields. This research then aims to analyze the reasons why Japan is willing to conduct bilateral economic cooperation with Indonesia. There are domestic factors behind Japan cooperating with Indonesia through the IJ-EPA scheme. These factors will be analyzed using the concept of national interest and nation branding. This study argues that the IJ-EPA cooperation between Japan and Indonesia in the end only benefited the Japanese. Because besides dominating profits in the economic field, the IJ-EPA collaboration was also used by Japan to maintain its dominance in Southeast Asia.]]>
<![CDATA[Efektivitas Kerjasama PPATK dan AUSTRAC dalam Memberantas Tindak Pidana Pendanaan Terorisme di Indonesia Tahun 2014–2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Putri, Rr. Nurul Rahmah Cahyo]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, Ika Riswanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[This research was motivated by the increasing incidence of terrorism that threatensglobal security. A terrorism attack can occur because of funding factors where funding forterrorism also categorized into criminal acts which are usually called criminal acts ofterrorism funding. In seeking to eradicate the crime of terrorism funding the Indonesiangovernment cooperated with neighboring countries, in this case the Indonesian governmentthrough the Pusat Pelaporan dan Analisis Transaksi Keuangan (PPATK) collaborated withthe Australian Transaction and Analysis Center (AUSTRAC). Both of these institutions areFinancial Intelligence Units (FIUs) that have a vision to combat the crime of money launderingand terrorism funding. This research aims to explain the effectiveness of the cooperationbetween PPATK and AUSTRAC in combating terrorism funding crimes in Indonesia in 2014 -2017. By using the number of Analysis Results (HA) with the alleged crime of financingterrorism issued by PPATK and the number of terrorist acts that occurred in Indonesia as anindicator of the assessment of the effectiveness of the two FIU cooperation, the authorsproduced research findings , that cooperation established by PPATK and AUSTRAC can besaid to be effective in combating terrorism funding crimes in Indonesia in 2014-2017.]]>
<![CDATA[Kegagalan Peacekeeping Operation PBB pada Konflik Republik Demokratik Kongo ]]>
<![CDATA[Khairunnisa, Wakhidah Hasna]]>;
<![CDATA[Susiatiningsih, Rr. Hermini]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[This research topic addresses the failure of MONUSCO to create peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Creating peace is a mandate that must be carried out by MONUSCO. This topic is interesting because of the fact that peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has not occurred until now, while the UN peacekeeping operation has been running since 1998 and is one of the longest and spend a lot of funds missions in the history of peace operations. In Dennis C. Jett's theory of the failure of peacekeeping operations, there is a predeployment factor and the deployment factor. In terms of predeployment, decision making, mandate, quality and quality of peacekeeper are important. Meanwhile in deployment factor, there are internal and external factors that have equal influence on the peace process. Therefore, the hope of achieving peace cannot be achieved. Because choosing MONUSCO itself is one of the causes of the failure to create peace, it also makes the rebel groups and interference from the interested parties into other factors that cause problems.]]>
<![CDATA[Faktor-faktor Kebijakan Myanmar Memilih Norwegia dalam Upaya Penyelesaian Konflik Etnik ]]>
<![CDATA[Dewayanti, Itsnaini]]>;
<![CDATA[Paramasatya, Satwika]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Ethnic conflict is one of the main problems faced by Myanmar for years till nowadays. Solvingthe ethnic conflict, the Myanmar Government have arranged Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). Yet, NCA is not effective because the violence still involves in some conflicts. To face and solve the ethnic conflict Myanmar Government decided another rational policy, which is asking the Norway Government to help solve and face the conflict and did not asking to other countries, such as China and India. Norway Government welcomed the request from Myanmar Government for cooperation activity Government of Norway made the policy called Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI). The purpose of this research is to analyse the reason of Myanmar Government asked Norway to help solve and face the conflict that still ongoing and did not choosing Myanmar’s neighbours, which are China and India. Besides that, this research will explain about the way Norway help to face and solve the ethnic conflict through MPSI. This research using rational choice theory and concept of national interest. Methodology on this research are literature study and internet basis. The result of this research is Myanmar chose Norway due to Norway’s assistance more supportive towards settlement of ethnic conflict in Myanmar than China and India.]]>
<![CDATA[Perlindungan Keamanan Manusia Australia Melalui Kebijakan Turn Back The Boat Pada Masa Pemerintahan Tony Abbott ]]>
<![CDATA[Ulfa, Nadrah]]>;
<![CDATA[Farabi, Nadia]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Australia experienced a significant increase in refugee arrivals from 2008 to 2012 with the highest number of refugee arrivals occurring in 2012. Therefore, during the reign of Tony Abbott, Australia implemented the ‘turn back the boat’ policy to prevent refugees and asylum seekers from entering Australian waters. The aim of this research is to explain the causes of Australia implementing the ‘turn back the boat’ policy. In the concept of human security there are seven aspects of security namely economic security, food security, health security, environment security, personal security, community security, and political security. Therefore, the causes of Australia implemented the ‘turn back the boat’ policy because Australian human security is threatened due to the arrival of refugees and asylum seekers, especially in the aspects of environment security and personal security]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Indonesia dalam Perlindungan Pencari Suaka dan Pengungsi Pasca Kebijakan Turn Back the Boat Pemerintahan Tony Abbott ]]>
<![CDATA[Sihombing, Herlina]]>;
<![CDATA[Farabi, Nadia]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[This research discusess Indonesian policy in protection of asylum seekers and refugees. Since Australia’s turn back the boat policy was issued, the number of asylum seekers and refugees in Indonesia has increased. Indonesia has not refused the arrival of asylum seekers and refugees. As known that Indonesia is not part of state that ratifies the Convention 1951 and Protocol 1967, but Indonesia is willing to accommodate and provide protection to asylum seekers and refugees. Indonesian policy about protection of asylum seekers and refugees in Peraturan Presiden No. 125 Tahun 2016 raises the question, why is Indonesia willing to do that. To explain that, this research will use liberalism theory. Liberalism believes that state is not the unitary actorin the international world, but there are other actors in it. The presence of other actors who play a significant role, has a great influence to state’s policies. This research aims to explain the background of Indonesian policy of provide protection to asylum seekers and refugees. This research also describe Indonesian policies to resolve problem of asylum seekers and refugees in Indonesia.]]>
