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Insignia: Journal of International Relations
ISSN : 20891962     EISSN : 25979868     DOI : -
Core Subject : Humanities, Art,
Insignia Journal of International Relations is published biannually (April & November) by Laboratorium of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Jenderal Soedirman University. This journal contains articles or publications from all issues of International Relations such as: International Politics, Foreign Policy, Security Studies, International Political Economy, Transnational Studies, Area Studies & Non-traditional Issues.
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Articles 206 Documents
Upaya Perimbangan Kekuatan Iran-Arab Saudi melalui Perang Suriah untuk Memenangi Kontestasi Geopolitik di Timur Tengah Iqbal Ramadhan; Jodi Alif Iskandar
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2020): November 2020
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2020.7.2.2391

Abstract

Abstrak Perang Saudara di Suriah terjadi karena perebutan kekuasaan antara pemerintah Bashar Al-Assad dengan tentara pemberontak Suriah. Perang tersebut terjadi tidak hanya melibatkan kekuatan internal Suriah, tetapi juga kekuatan besar yang ada di Timur Tengah yaitu Iran dan Arab Saudi. Perang Suriah dijadikan ajang untuk mengimbangi kekuatan antara Iran dan Arab Saudi melalui proxy mereka. Iran mendukung pemerintah Bashar Al-Assad sedangkan Arab Saudi menyatakan dukungan mereka kepada tentara pemberontak. Tujuan dari artikel ini adalah untuk membahas strategi kedua negara dalam mengimbangi kekuatan rivalnya melalui proxy balancing. Metode yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah kualitatif dan penulis menggunakan konsep pattern of competition dan konsep geopolitik. Simpulan yang didapat dari artikel ini adalah Iran dan Arab Saudi menggunakan proxy mereka pada Perang Suriah untuk mengimbangi kekuatan rivalnya dan memenangkan kontestasi geopolitik di Timur Tengah. Keywords: Iran, Arab Saudi, Perang Suriah, Perimbangan Kekuatan, Geopolitik, Timur Tengah
The Political and Economic Impacts of Rohingya Refugee Crisis: Challenges and Opportunities of Humanitarian Intervention in Post-Conflict Space Satria Rizaldi Alchatib
Insignia: Journal of International Relations 2021: Edisi Khusus "Navigating Global Society in the Disruptive Era"
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2021.0.0.3904

Abstract

The crisis of Rohingya refugee has been agitating bilateral relations among South East Asian and South Asian countries particularly Bangladesh. Beside the massive influxes of ingoing refugees, the crisis contributes to a massive economic decline in addition to poor assistantship of their host countries. Building from these, this article aims at examining the local community integration policy jointly delivered by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugee (UNHCR) and International Organization for Migration (IOM) together with the governments of host countries in promoting cultural reunification between refugees and native population of Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand. Moreover, this article seeks to explore the way refugee navigates destination based on sociological, anthropological, and geographical resemblance in which encompasses religious, ethnical, historical, and economic considerations. Methodologically, this article is deliberated through a mix qualitative method where discourse and content analysis are being employed respectively. As a result, this article signifies the inherent legitimacy of cultural and religious institutions that breaches the pre-existing legal restraint as well as weighing up its supremacy against the government’s interest and political agenda. Eventually, the ultimate outcome of this research draws the process on how refugees and native inhabitants shapes reciprocal relationship in times of international rejection and how they influence the development of destination countries economically and politically. Keywords: Bangladesh, community integration, humanitarian intervention, Indonesia, Rohingya refugee
Pembentukan Persepsi Pengungsi sebagai Ancaman oleh Partai Alternative für Deutschland di Jerman Liliana Dea Jovita; Elisabeth Dewi
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2020): November 2020
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2020.7.2.3485

Abstract

Krisis pengungsi merupakan permasalahan serius yang terus diperdebatkan dalam politik Eropa. Meningkatnya jumlah pengungsi yang masuk ke Eropa sejak tahun 2015 tersebut dikhawatirkan dapat menimbulkan ancaman terhadap aspek-aspek kehidupan masyarakat. Salah satu negara yang menerima jumlah pengungsi terbanyak adalah Jerman. Namun, di awal terjadi krisis pengungsi, Pemerintah Jerman tidak menganggap pengungsi sebagai ancaman, melainkan sebagai korban dari penindasan yang dialami di negara asalnya. Penolakan terhadap masuknya pengungsi ke Jerman justru datang dari partai sayap kanan di Jerman, yaitu Partai Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). Berbeda dengan Pemerintah Jerman, Partai AfD berpendapat bahwa pengungsi merupakan ancaman terhadap masyarakat Jerman. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk melihat bagaimana Partai AfD membentuk persepsi pengungsi sebagai ancaman, sekaligus upaya sekuritisasi yang dilakukan oleh partai. Penelitian dilakukan dengan menggunakan pendekatan konstruktivisme sosial, serta konsep keamanan non-tradisional dan konsep sekuritisasi. Metode pengumpulan data yang digunakan adalah studi Pustaka dan metode analisis yang digunakan adalah metode studi kasus, dengan kasus yang diteliti adalah krisis pengungsi di Jerman. Adapun hasil dari penelitian ini adalah Partai AfD membentuk persepsi bahwa pengungsi merupakan ancaman terhadap identitas kolektif masyarakat Jerman, demografi penduduk, perekonomian Jerman, serta keamanan internal maupun nasional. Hasil penelitian juga menunjukkan bahwa Partai AfD memanfaatkan persepsi pengungsi sebagai ancaman tersebut untuk meraih dukungan suara dalam Pemilu Federal Jerman tahun 2017.
Migration and Its Impact on Sustainable Development Muslih Faozanudin; Shainima Islam
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 8 No 1 (2021): April 2021
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.1.3871

Abstract

People’s mobility and international migration are quite interesting phenomena to discuss. Until now, there are still differences in views between industrialized countries and developing countries regarding the contribution of migration to development for both sending and receiving countries. This paper aims to analyze based on existing secondary data the linkage between migration and sustainable development. For analysis, this study uses a descriptive approach, with secondary data as the primary source. The analysis found that both sending and receiving countries - benefited from population mobility and international migration. The least developed countries in the economy and overall infrastructure are supplying countries for this migration process, and increasing remittances and skilled workers to help other countries. Although it is realized that this condition is the impact of the weak economic system of developing countries on the one hand and the demographic that occur in advanced industrialized countries on the other. To maintain the stability of the supply chain for economic development, international migration is included as one of the sustainable development programs that apply more humane values. Therefore, migrants should be seen as potential contributors to the growth of sending and receiving countries, and some even claim that they are heroes of foreign exchange. Keywords: migration, remmitance, sustainable development Mobilitas masyarakat dan migrasi internasional merupakan fenomena yang cukup menarik untuk dibahas. sampai saat ini masih terdapat perbedaan pandangan antara negara industri dan negara berkembang, tentang kontribusi migrasi terhadap pembangunan, baik bagi negara yang asal migrant maupun bagi negara penerima. Makalah ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis berdasarkan data sekunder yang ada mengenai keterkaitan antara migrasi dan pembangunan berkelanjutan. Untuk analisis, penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif, dengan data sekunder sebagai sumber primer. Hasil analisis menemukan bahwa kedua negara-negara pengirim dan penerima - mendapat manfaat dari mobilitas penduduk dan migrasi internasional. Negara-negara kurang berkembang dalam ekonomi dan infrastruktur secara keseluruhan menjadi negara pemasok untuk proses migrasi ini, dan meningkatkan pengiriman uang dan pekerja terampil untuk membantu negara lain. Meskipun disadari bahwa kondisi ini merupakan dampak dari lemahnya sistem perekonomian negara berkembang di satu sisi dan faktor demografi dan kesuburan yang terjadi di negara industri maju di sisi lain. Untuk menjaga stabilitas rantai pasokan pembangunan ekonomi, migrasi internasional dimasukkan sebagai salah satu program pembangunan berkelanjutan yang menerapkan nilai-nilai yang lebih manusiawi. Oleh karena itu, para migran harus dilihat sebagai kontributor potensial bagi pertumbuhan negara pengirim dan penerima, bahkan ada yang mengklaim bahwa mereka adalah sebagai pahlawan devisa. Kata kunci: migrasi, pembangunan berkelanjutan, remiten
Government Capacity in` Recovering Tourism Sector in the Pandemic Period Slamet Rosyadi
Insignia: Journal of International Relations 2021: Edisi Khusus "Navigating Global Society in the Disruptive Era"
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2021.0.0.3827

Abstract

The Covid-19 pandemic reduced national income in the tourism sector. Government capacity is needed to overcome these problems. Using comparisons between Indonesia and Thailand, this study aims to test the government's capacity to restore the tourism sector during a pandemic. This comparison is necessary in order to obtain an in-depth analysis of the capacity of governments representing ASEAN in the recovery of the tourism sector. The literature study method and secondary data were used in this research. The data analysis used a qualitative descriptive approach. The results of the study found that the governments in both countries had sufficient capacity to restore the tourism sector due to the Covid-19 outbreak. However, the capacity of the Thai government is somewhat better in integrating tourism recovery efforts and preventing the transmission of Covid-19. However, bribery and corruption are found in Thailand. This study concludes that the recovery of the tourism sector during a pandemic requires the capacity of the government to provide a number of economic stimulus packages that are integrated with regulatory health and quarantine protocols.
Demokrasi Brazil: Bagaimana Brazil Melewati Fase Transisi dan Konsolidasi Demokrasi? Arie Hendrawan; Bambang Tri Atmojo; Wahyu Rizki Pratama
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2020): November 2020
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2020.7.2.2584

Abstract

Abstrak Pada tahun 2014, skor indeks demokrasi Brazil sempat menyentuh angka 7.38, tetapi kemudian terus jatuh seiring dengan krisis politik yang mendera negara terbesar di Amerika Latin tersebut. Meskipun demikian, dari segi politik dan ekonomi, Brazil masih relatif lebih mapan dibandingkan dengan negara-negara Amerika Latin lain yang dibuktikan dengan keikutsertaannya dalam grup ekonomi utama (G-20). Hal itu membuat penulis tertarik untuk menganalisis, bagaimana Brazil mampu melewati fase transisi dan membangun konsolidasi demokrasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif eksplanatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui studi pustaka. Fase transisi demokrasi Brazil terjadi di antara masa diktator militer (1964-1985) dan masa republik baru (tahun 1985-sekarang). Kronik transisi demokrasi Brazil tersebut relevan dengan faktor-faktor gelombang ketiga demokrastisasi yang dikemukakan oleh Huntington dan beberapa pendekatan lain. Selanjutnya, fase konsolidasi demokrasi Brazil dimulai sejak penerapan Konstitusi Baru Brazil pada tahun 1988. Penerapan Konstitusi Baru Brazil menjadi pintu masuk bagi konsolidasi demokrasi, sebab menciptakan pemerintahan yang lebih terbuka dan demokratis serta jaminan yang luas atas hak-hak dan demokratisasi. Jadi, syarat-syarat konsolidasi demokrasi seperti Pemilu yang bebas dan layak, pemerintahan yang demokratis, serta jaminan terhadap hak-hak individu dan partisipasi publik dapat terpenuhi dengan Konstitusi Baru sebagai landasan yuridisnya. Tantangan ke depan untuk menjaga konsolidasi demokrasi di Brazil adalah pembangunan ekonomi dan penguatan integritas pemerintah. Di samping itu, kebangkitan kelompok populisme sayap kanan juga perlu diwaspadai, sebab dapat berpotensi mengembalikan demokrasi Brazil pada fase otoriter. Kata kunci: Brazil, transisi demokrasi, konsolidasi demokrasi Abstract In 2014, Brazil's democratic index score touched 7.38 but then continued to fall in line with political crisis that plagued the largest country in Latin America. However, in terms of politics and economics, Brazil is still relatively more established compared to other Latin American countries as evidenced by its participation in the main economic groups (G-20). That makes writer interested in analyzing how Brazil can go through a transition phase and build democratic consolidation. This research uses an explanative qualitative approach with data collection techniques through a literature study. Brazil's transition phase of democracy took place between the military dictatorship period (1964-1985) and the new republic era (1985-present). The chronicle of Brazil's democratic transition is relevant to the factors of third wave of democratization put forward by Huntington and several other approaches. Furthermore, consolidation phase of Brazil's democracy began since adoption of the Brazilian New Constitution in 1988. The application of the Brazilian New Constitution became an entry point for democratic consolidation because it created a more open and democratic government and broad guarantees of rights and democratization. Thus, the conditions for democratic consolidation such as free and proper elections, democratic governance, and guarantees of individual rights and public participation can be fulfilled with New Constitution as a juridical basis. The challenges ahead for maintaining democratic consolidation in Brazil are economic development and strengthening the integrity of government. Besides, rise of right-wing populism also needs to be watched out, because it could potentially restore Brazil's democracy to an authoritarian phase. Keywords: Brazil, democratic transition, democratic consolidation
An Inquiry to Globalization and Cultural Identity: A Search for Conceptual Framework Lukas Maserona Sarungu
Insignia: Journal of International Relations 2021: Edisi Khusus "Navigating Global Society in the Disruptive Era"
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2021.0.0.3894

Abstract

The interaction between globalization and cultural identity is indeed quite problematic, and this is beyond doubt. The interactions' results do not seem to be counted accurately, and the results can be good or bad. Globalization should be seen as a double-edged knife, providing convenience and possibly eliminating some considered incompatible things with development. Cultural identities may be increasingly eroded by globalization. Still, they can also survive and develop in accordance with the existing conditions. For this reason, a conceptual framework is needed, so that it can explain these interactions. This paper will take the form of a literature review involving several journals and scientific literature. Through this literature review, an integrated theoretical framework is built that can be used to understand the concept of globalization and cultural identity. The method used in this paper is a systematic literature review. The resulting conceptual framework involves the role of the media and the state in continuing the ideas from the concept of globalization. The media will be able to form a symbol in society, and this symbol will become a common understanding for the community. Besides, globalization will facilitate the spread of the formation of this symbolization. Meanwhile, the state can encourage the construction of cultural identities that will also develop in society. The two concepts will be mutually sustainable in people's lives. Thus, it can be concluded that the state and the media have a significant share in the development of the cultural identity of local communities, which is formed from the phenomenon of globalization itself. Keywords: cultural identity, globalization, media, mass media, state
The Role of Anonymous Cyberactivism in the Black Lives Matter Movement in the United States (2014-2020) Sonya Rino Yonita; Arif Darmawan
Insignia: Journal of International Relations 2021: Edisi Khusus "Navigating Global Society in the Disruptive Era"
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2021.0.0.3758

Abstract

The practice of racism in the US stems from a long history of slavery. The Emancipation Proclamation and the various laws that the Government had issued in an attempt to regulate the rights of black people did not prevent black discrimination from continuing to this day. This situation triggered the emergence of the Black Lives Matter movement, which is one of the biggest movements in the United States. This research discusses the role of Anonymous as a community using cyberspace during the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. This research applies the qualitative method using various kinds of secondary data ranging from books, related journals, government websites, and other online sources aiming to analyze the concept of cyberactivism and the idea of ​​cyber libertarianism regarding the role of Anonymous within the BLM movement. This research shows that based on the cyber libertarianism concept the role of Anonymous is as one of the important information sources within the BLM movement by hacking and then propagating the information to the public. Based on the concept of cyberactivism, Anonymous has helped the Police in raising racism awareness. This racism has been rooted in the existing systems in the United States of America. Besides, cyberactivism by Anonymous using hacktivism has shifted the concept of hacking not only as a crime but also a resource of social movements.
Penanggulangan Terorisme di ASEAN Melalui Our Eyes Initiatives Prisilla Octaviani Winarto; Arfin Sudirman
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 8 No 1 (2021): April 2021
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.1.2667

Abstract

Terorisme diketahui sebagai salah satu bentuk kejahatan transnasional, dimana pergerakannya cenderung acak, dan seiring berjalannya waktu terus berkembang melalui perluasan wilayah. Keadaan terorisme yang sudah mulai memasuki kawasan Asia Tenggara, khususnya negara-anggota ASEAN, memberikan keresahan tersendiri. Bahkan, beberapa jaringan-jaringan teroris yang terdapat di beberapa wilayah di negara-anggota ASEAN menunjukkan adanya keterkaitan dengan kelompok terorisme besar lainnya. Beberapa aksi-aksi teror kerap terjadi di negara-anggota ASEAN, ditambah dengan adanya perubahan karakteristik maupun pola terorisme di ASEAN yang semakin mengkhawatirkan. Menyadari hal tersebut, Indonesia, dibawah ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting mengusulkan kerja sama keamanan Our Eyes Initiative dengan tujuan agar Our Eyes Initiative dapat mengurangi dan memberantas terorisme di negara-anggota ASEAN. Fokus dalam penelitian ini adalah untuk mengkaji bagaimana cooperative security dapat diterapkan dalam Our Eyes Initiative. Metode kualitatif digunakan dalam penelitian ini guna mengumpulkan data-data yang dapat didapatkan melalui jurnal-jurnal terdahulu, dokumen-dokumen penting maupun wawancara secara langsung. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian yang sudah dilakukan, dapat disimpulkan bahwa Our Eyes Intiative dapat dikatakan sebagai cooperative security walaupun hanya terdapat tiga dari empat ring cooperative security yang ada di dalam Our Eyes Initiative, namun hal tersebut perlu dilihat berdasarkan pengertian dari cooperative security dan fungsi tujuan dari Our Eyes Intiative juga. Our Eyes Initiative dapat memberantas terorisme melalui perlindungan individu masing-masing negara, saling menjaga keamanan masing-masing neagra, dan memberikan kesadaran terhadap aksi teror yang kian meresahkan.
Different Factors That Influence the Rise of India and Indonesia Chengxin Zhang
Insignia: Journal of International Relations 2021: Edisi Khusus "Navigating Global Society in the Disruptive Era"
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2021.0.0.3886

Abstract

India and Indonesia are among the largest economies in the world, and this was not something serious for China to pay attention to in the past. However, in this decade, these two countries have shown aggressive economic growth, compared to other developed and developing countries such as Russia and Mexico. India under the Modi administration launched the Digital India 2025 ambition in 2018 and a GDP target of 5 trillion USD, Indonesia under the Jokowi administration featured the Global Marine Fulcrum (GMF) and the target of becoming the 4th largest economy in the world by 2045. Both focus on many sectors, especially economic support infrastructures such as railroads, ports, and fast trains. In terms of military, India is already strong in the 4th position in the world, and Indonesia is still far below India, the 16th in the world. The current world situation is unstable, leading India to steps to strengthen ties with Western countries to stem China's growth. On the Indonesian side, it tends not to field close relations with the West and is still cooperating, both with the West and China to develop the country's potential and infrastructure. However, both of them still have the duty to become the foremost countries; India with the problem of unification, and adjusting its foreign policies to neighboring countries, and Indonesia need to finalize on innovation and domestic development.