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Analisis Kebijakan Indonesia Bekerja Sama dengan Jepang dalam Proyek Kereta Cepat Jakarta-Surabaya Haryo Prasodjo; Najamuddin Khairur Rijal
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 8 No 2 (2021): November 2021
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.2.3854

In 2015, Japan had to step down when Indonesia chose China in the 142.3 km Jakarta-Bandung fast train project. In 2016, the Government of Indonesia held a meeting with the Government of Japan, to discuss a project to continue the fast train, with the Jakarta-Surabaya route. Interestingly, the Jakarta-Surabaya fast train project was carried out directly without going through a tender process like the Jakarta-Bandung fast train project. Using an empirical rationality theory approach, this paper seeks to look at several factors behind the Indonesian government's policy of choosing Japan in the Jakarta-Surabaya semi-fast train project. Several aspects that will be examined in this research are, first, conditions and situations in Indonesia that require decision making. Second, Japan's commitment to Indonesia and the capacity and capability of Japan's fast train technology. Third, the various benefits obtained by Indonesia from the cooperation of the semi-fast train with Japan.

Kebijakan Pembebasan Visa Kunjungan Wisata Indonesia dan Ancaman Keamanan Seftina Kuswardini; Harits Dwi Wiratma
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 8 No 2 (2021): November 2021
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.2.4617

Abstract The government policy contained in Presidential Regulation Number 21 of 2016 contains the exemption of tourist visit visas for foreign tourists in an effort to increase state revenue through the tourism sector. Through several cases, the policy decision gave freedom to 169 countries wishing to make tourist visits to Indonesia. In the course of implementing the policy, there are several things that make this policy necessary to be reviewed. The exemption of tourist visas, which is expected to contribute the largest foreign exchange to the country, has not only succeeded in increasing state revenue but also has increased the threat to state security in several sectors. Given that Indonesia provides opportunities for foreign tourists to enter Indonesian territory easily, the government should carry out socialization and coordination with all national sectors as a form of preparation for the surge in foreign tourists. This study aims to explore information regarding the extent to which the security threats obtained as an implication of the visa exemption policy are divided into transnational crimes, ecological and economic damage. Keywords: Policy, Visa, Tourism, Implications, Security Abstrak Kebijakan pemerintah yang tertuang dalam Peraturan Presiden Nomor 21 Tahun 2016 berisi tentang pembebasan visa kunjungan wisata untuk turis manacanegara dalam upaya meningkatkan pendapatan negara mellaui sektor pariwisata. Melalui beberapa klai putusan kebijakan tersebut memberikan kebebasan pada 169 negara yang ingin melakukan kunjungan wisata ke Indonesia. Dalam perjalanan implementasi dari kebijakan tersebut terdapat bebrapa hal yang membuat kebijakan tersebut perlu untuk untuk dikaji kembali. Pembebasan visa wisata yang diharapkan dapat menyumbang devisa negara terbesar tidak hanya berhasil menambah pendapatan negara namun juga menambah ancaman keamanan negara pada beberapa sektor. Mengingat bahwa Indonesia memberikan kesempatan wisatawan asing untuk dapat masuk ke wilayah Indonesia dengan mudah maka seharusnya pemerintah melakukan sosialisasi dan koordinasi dengan seluruh sektor nasional sebagai bentuk persiapan menghadapi lonjakan wisatawan asing. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menggali informais mengenai seberapa jauh ancaman keamanan yang diperoleh sebagai implikasi dari kebijakan pembebasan visa tersebut terbagi dalam kejahatan transnasional, kerusakan ekologi dan ekonomi. Kata Kunci: Kebijakan, Visa, Wisata, Implikasi, Keamanan

Gunboat Diplomacy in Natuna Waters from 2010-2020: Indonesia’s Deterrence in South China Sea Conflict Anugerah Akbar Maulana
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 9 No 1 (2022): April 2022
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.4550

Abstract SCS conflict comprises a substantial threat to Indonesia as China’s nine-dash line overlaps with Indonesia’s Exclusive Economic Zone EEZ in Natuna waters. The spillover of the conflict was exposed through China’s incursions in Natuna waters from 2010 to 2020 as China regard it has the right to carry out activities in several areas of Natuna waters that are considered as part of maritime territorial violations for Indonesia. Indonesia deploys the capabilities of its naval forces’ in Natuna waters in response to China’s incursions in which this phenomenon could be regarded as gunboat diplomacy. This study aimed to reveal the efficacy of Indonesia's gunboat diplomacy to deter China's incursions in Natuna Waters. Through the qualitative method, official documents and relevant literature will be analyzed to answer the study's objective. Employing gunboat diplomacy and deterrence as the conceptual framework, this study discerns that Indonesian naval forces become the forefront instrument as gunboat diplomacy in deterring China's assertiveness in SCS dispute, which led to the incursions over Indonesia maritime territory in Natuna. This study discovered that Indonesia's gunboat diplomacy leveraged as the purposeful forces and expressive force in which the warship managed as the media of diplomacy that altered China's vessels' behaviour over the incursions in Natuna waters and enabled Indonesia naval force fruitful to crackdown China's incursions in particular point of the occasion. However, gunboat diplomacy as Indonesia's deterrence means has not thoroughly delivered a deterrent effect to China since Chinese vessels' activities still recurred in Natuna waters at the latest 2020. Abstrak Konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan (LTS) memuat ancaman bagi Indonesia karena sembilan garis putus-putus Tiongkok tumpang tindih dengan Zona Ekonomi Ekslusif Indonesia (ZEE) di perairan Natuna. Limpahan konflik tersebut terpapar pada serbuan Tiongkok di perairan Natuna sejak tahun 2010 hingga 2020 dimana Tiongkok menganggap memiliki hak untuk beraktivitas di beberapa area di perairan Natuna, sedangkan hal tersebut dianggap sebagai pelanggaran wilayah maritim bagi Indonesia. Indonesia mengerahkan kemampuan angkatan lautnya di perairan Natuna sebagai tanggapan atas serbuan Tiongkok di mana fenomena ini dapat dianggap sebagai diplomasi kapal perang. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap seberapa ampuh diplomasi kapal perang Indonesia untuk menangkal serbuan Tiongkok di perairan Natuna. Melalui metode kualitatif, dokumen resmi dan literatur yang relevan akan di analisa untuk menjawab tujuan penelitian. Menggunakan diplomasi kapal perang dan deterensi sebagai kerangka konseptual, penelitian ini melihat bahwa kekuatan angkatan laut menjadi instrumen terdepan sebagai diplomasi kapal perang untuk menangkal perilaku asertif Tiongkok di konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan (LTS) yang menyebabkan Tiongkok menyerbu wilayah perairan Indonesia di Natuna. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa diplomasi kapal perang Indonesia digunakan sebagai kekuatan yang bertujuan dan kekuatan ekspresif di mana kapal perang dikelola sebagai media diplomasi untuk mengubah perilaku kapal-kapal Tiongkok pada penyerbuan di perairan Natuna yang memungkinkan kekuatan angkatan laut Indonesia dapat menindak serbuan Tiongkok di perairan Natuna pada titik waktu tertentu. Namun, diplomasi kapal perang sebagai sarana deterensi Indonesia belum dapat memberikan efek jera kepada Tiongkok secara menyeluruh karena aktivitas kapal Tiongkok di perairan Natuna masih terjadi paling terbaru pada tahun 2020.

South Korea's Interests behind the Reactivation of IK-CEPA Negotiations with Indonesia Ulim Maidatul Cholif; Arie Kusuma Paksi
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 9 No 1 (2022): April 2022
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.5089

Indonesia-Korea Comprehensive Economic Agreement Partnership (IK-CEPA) is a lengthy bilateral agreement. Negotiations were terminated in 2014 due to a discrepancy in the agreement between the Korean and Indonesian governments. Then, in 2018, Korea agreed to reactivate the IK-CEPA agreement in response to the Indonesian government's request. This paper analyzes the reasons behind South Korea's foreign policy in deciding to reactivate the IK-CEPA. The author uses the concept of National Interest to identify Korean foreign policy decision-making. A qualitative descriptive approach is used to uncover data about the phenomena. The author examines data from books, journals, government data, and reliable online articles. Then, summarize and evaluate all the relevant facts. Research shows that Korea's policy to reactivate the IK-CEPA agreement is based on South Korea‘s desire to achieve a trade surplus while expanding investment finance in Indonesia.

Gender Construction in Southeast Asia Through a Social Constructivism Perspective Ahnaf Fairuzuhdy Aslam; Erika Intan Hulieta; Ammar Bianda Katon
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 9 No 1 (2022): April 2022
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.5128

The LGBTQ+ community often become a topic of discussion among the global community, including in Southeast Asia. Not only does attention gets support, praise, and criticism, and conflict also emerges in response to this phenomenon. The author raised this discourse to understand the reason for the response given by the community in several Southeast Asia countries. The author uses qualitative research using secondary data in analyzing. The authors will choose the Philippines, Indonesia, and Myanmar as study cases with the social constructivist theory approach. Because the three countries have different cases and levels of acceptance of the LGBTQ+ community. Therefore, the authors understand what is behind the community's views regarding the acceptance of the LGBTQ+ community in three countries in Southeast Asia. The results of this study indicate that the construction of gender in the three countries comes from diverse backgrounds, such as Indonesia, which is dominated by religious morals; the Philippines shaped by local culture; and Myanmar caused of the obstruction of the flow of discourse due to political instability as well as religious views in the country. Keywords: Gender Construction, Indonesia, LGBTQ+, Myanmar, Philippines Abstrak Komunitas LGBTQ+ sering menjadi sebuah pembicaraan hangat di kalangan masyarakat global, termasuk di Asia Tenggara. Tidak hanya perhatian yang didapat, dukungan; pujian; kritik; dan konflik juga muncul sebagai respons terhadap fenomena ini. Penulis mengangkat diskursus ini dengan tujuan memahami apa yang menjadi alasan dari respons yang diberikan oleh masyarakat di beberapa negara Asia Tenggara. Penulis menggunakan penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan data kepustakaan sekunder dalam menganalisis. Dengan pendekatan teori konstruktivis sosial dalam metode studi kasus negara Filipina, Indonesia, dan Myanmar, dengan alasan ketiga negara tersebut memiliki kasus dan tingkat penerimaan terhadap komunitas LGBTQ+ yang berbeda dengan satu sama lain. Penulis memahami apa yang melatarbelakangi pandangan masyarakat mengenai penerimaan komunitas LGBTQ+ di tiga negara di Asia Tenggara tersebut. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa konstruksi gender di ketiga negara tersebut berasal dari latar belakang yang beragam, seperti Indonesia yang didominasi diskursus berlandaskan moral agama; Filipina yang dibentuk oleh kebudayaan lokal; dan Myanmar yang disebabkan oleh terhambatnya arus diskursus akibat instabilitas politik sekaligus pandangan agama di negara tersebut. Kata - kata kunci: Filipina, Indonesia, Konstruksi Gender, LGBTQ+, Myanmar

NGO-Corporate Partnerships: Sustainable Development Impact for Indian Children Karina Erdian Hapsari
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 9 No 1 (2022): April 2022
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.4661

This paper reviews the importance of NGO-corporate partnerships towards sustainable development for Indian children. Specifically, this paper analyzes CRY India and the three big corporations – Marks & Spencer, Microsoft, Bajaj Finserv – as the research subject. The NGO-corporate partnerships are crucial in the sustainable development process. Moreover, in India, the number of child labor is increasing. Thus, in order to achieve sustainable development, the child labor issue must be tackled in the right ways as children are the basis for all dimensions of sustainable development. For analysis, this paper uses an explanative approach, with secondary data. The analysis found that there are two reasons to explain their significant partnerships, as a ‘bridge’ between the actors and long-term potential value. A bridge between the actors in this paper refers to CRY India-three big corporations (Marks & Spencer, Microsoft, Bajaj Finserv) interrelations. These interrelations illustrate the needs of NGOs in funding and on the other hand, NGOs provide ‘space’ for corporate social responsibility through their programs. A ‘space’ in this paper refers to the access given by CRY India for corporates to do their CSR through CRY India’s projects as an altruistic action for both CRY and corporates. Meanwhile, the potential value leads to the benefit and impact that goes beyond partnerships, which is a better sustainable development for Indian children. In conclusion, the NGO-corporate partnerships are still needed to tackle today’s problem, and it might give an incredible impact. Though, there are some debates about their relations.

From Foes to Friends: The Normalization of the United Emirates Arab and Israel Relations Ahmad Mudhofarul Baqi
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 9 No 1 (2022): April 2022
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.4995

Abstract This article aims to explain the reason the United Arab Emirates (UAE) normalized ties within Israel through Abraham Accord. The normalization of the UAE-Israel ties contra with the position of UAE as a part of the members of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and Arab League that have long been conflicting within Israel, due to Israel's annexation over Palestinians. Utilize explanative type and constructivism paradigm based on identity as a tool of analysis, and supported with the secondary data. This article found the difference in religious identity, not automatic interfere step of UAE and Israel normalization process. The normalization of the UAE and Israel drive by the threat of Iran in the region. The threat shape collective identity between UAE and Israel as friends and Iran as a common enemy. The collective identity was also constructed via systemic processes in the form of interdependency and proximity with the United States of America. The collective identity was also constructed through strategic practice by both leaders. Furthermore, amongst UAE and Israel gathered through a type of identity Abraham's religion. Keyword: Normalization, UAE, Israel, Identity, Iran, and Constructivism Abstrak Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan alasan Uni Emirat Arab (UAE) menjalin normalisasi hubungan dengan Israel melalui perjanjian Abraham Accord. Normalisasi hubungan UAE dengan Israel kontras dengan posisi UAE sebagai negara teluk (GCC) dan Liga Arab yang telah lama berkonflik dengan Israel atas aksi aneksasi Israel di wilayah Palestina. Menggunakan jenis penelitian eksplanatif dengan paradigma konstruktivisme berbasis identitas sebagai pisau analisis, serta didukung oleh data sekunder. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa perbedaan identitas agama tidak lantas menyurutkan langkah UAE dan Israel melakukan normalisasi hubungan. Israel-UAE normalization didorong oleh konteks ancaman regional berupa agresivitas Iran di kawasan. Konteks ancaman Iran membentuk collective identity antara UAE dan Israel sebagai sahabat dan Iran sebagai musuh bersama. Collective identity juga tercipta melalui proses sistemik berupa interdependensi UAE dan Israel dan kedekatan keduanya dengan Amerika Serikat. Collective identity juga terbentuk lewat praktik strategis kedekatan pemimpin kedua negara. Selain itu, antara UAE dan Israel juga disatukan lewat identitas tipe agama Abraham. Kata kunci: Normalisasi, UAE, Israel, Identitas, Iran, dan Konstruktivisme

Towards a New ASEAN Regionalism: Navigating the Outlook on Indo-Pacific in Post-RCEP Beyond 2020 Hino Samuel Jose; Hree Dharma Santhi Putri Samudra
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 9 No 1 (2022): April 2022
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.4636

The adoption of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) has brought the Asia Pacific region into a new paradigm of ASEAN regionalism. The global economic competition between China and the western world significantly impacts Southeast Asian countries regionally due to geographical factors and regional integration towards the ASEAN community. The changing regional order then happened after RCEP increased China's interest in the Southeast Asian geopolitical landscape and ASEAN – China's role in post-pandemic global governance. The authors discussed how China's soft power influences ASEAN's regionalism through the RCEP and vice versa. Further, it investigates how the dynamics impact the ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific. Using the concept of soft power and institutional neoliberalism, this article has concluded that China is now ascending its inter-regional cooperation to capture a more significant interdependence to challenge the Western's rule of global order. The rivalry between the U.S. and China, ASEAN external partners, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and the political cases concerning said stipulations of the AOIP hence identify the impacts and how ASEAN can navigate the region amid global uncertainties.

Korean Wave Issue as A Soft Power Strategy in Taiwanese Presidential Election 2016 Raaf Bezkarannu; Ani Widyani Soetjipto
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 9 No 2 (2022): November 2022
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.2.6817

AbstractBoth state and non-state actors need the power to influence others to achieve their desired goals. Soft power isoften used by state or non-state actors to attracts the attention of others without using coercive actions to achievethe desired goals. This strategy has been widely used in various cases, including in the issue of China and Taiwan,especially in the "Taiwan Flag" incident involving Tzuyu, a K-Pop artist who declared herself a Taiwanese andcarried the Taiwan flag on a South Korean television program. This incident was later brought up by Tsai Ingwen, a politician from Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to cooperate with the Taiwanese people against Chinain the 2016 Taiwan Presidential Election. This article will discuss how Tsai Ing-wen and the people of Taiwan usedKorean wave as a soft power strategy in the 2016 Taiwan Presidential Election to “fight” against China. Thosegave positive results due to the similarity of political values believed by Taiwan and carried by the Korean wave,as well as the goals shared by Tsai Ing-wen and people of Taiwan, thereby defeated the pro-China Kuomintang(KMT) party in the election.Keywords: Soft Power, Taiwan, China, Korean Wave, Taiwan Presidential Election 2016, Taiwan Flag IncidentAbstrakBaik aktor negara maupun non-negara memerlukan kekuatan untuk mempengaruhi pihak lain agar tujuan yangdiinginkan dapat tercapai. Salah satunya adalah soft power yang mengedepankan upaya menarik perhatianpihak lain tanpa menggunakan tindakan koersif untuk mencapai tujuan yang diinginkan. Implementasi strategitersebut telah banyak dimanfaatkan dalam berbagai kasus, salah satunya dalam isu China dan Taiwan dalam the“Waving Taiwan Flag” incident yang melibatkan Tzuyu yang merupakan artis K-Pop yang mendeklarasikan dirisebagai warga negara Taiwan serta membawa bendera Taiwan dalam salah satu program televisi di KoreaSelatan. Insiden tersebut kemudian diangkat oleh Tsai Ing-wen, seorang politisi dari Democratic ProgressiveParty (DPP) untuk bekerja sama dengan masyarakat Taiwan untuk melawan China dalam Taiwan PresidentialElection 2016. Artikel ini membahas bagaimana Tsai Ing-wen dan masyarakat Taiwan memanfaatkan isu Koreanwave sebagai strategi soft power dalam Taiwan Presidential Election 2016 untuk “melawan” kampanye pro Chinayang disuarakan oleh KMT. Implementasi isu Korean wave sebagai strategi soft power dalam Taiwan PresidentialElection 2016 memberikan hasil positif dan ikut mempengaruhi kemenangan Tsai Ing-wen dalam pemilu diTaiwan di tahun 2016.Kata Kunci: Soft Power, Taiwan, China, Korean Wave, Pemilu Presiden Taiwan 2016, Insiden Bendera Taiwan

Gunboat Diplomacy in Natuna Waters from 2010-2020: Indonesia’s Deterrence in South China Sea Conflict Anugerah Akbar Maulana
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 9 No 1 (2022): April 2022
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.4550

Abstract SCS conflict comprises a substantial threat to Indonesia as China’s nine-dash line overlaps with Indonesia’s Exclusive Economic Zone EEZ in Natuna waters. The spillover of the conflict was exposed through China’s incursions in Natuna waters from 2010 to 2020 as China regard it has the right to carry out activities in several areas of Natuna waters that are considered as part of maritime territorial violations for Indonesia. Indonesia deploys the capabilities of its naval forces’ in Natuna waters in response to China’s incursions in which this phenomenon could be regarded as gunboat diplomacy. This study aimed to reveal the efficacy of Indonesia's gunboat diplomacy to deter China's incursions in Natuna Waters. Through the qualitative method, official documents and relevant literature will be analyzed to answer the study's objective. Employing gunboat diplomacy and deterrence as the conceptual framework, this study discerns that Indonesian naval forces become the forefront instrument as gunboat diplomacy in deterring China's assertiveness in SCS dispute, which led to the incursions over Indonesia maritime territory in Natuna. This study discovered that Indonesia's gunboat diplomacy leveraged as the purposeful forces and expressive force in which the warship managed as the media of diplomacy that altered China's vessels' behaviour over the incursions in Natuna waters and enabled Indonesia naval force fruitful to crackdown China's incursions in particular point of the occasion. However, gunboat diplomacy as Indonesia's deterrence means has not thoroughly delivered a deterrent effect to China since Chinese vessels' activities still recurred in Natuna waters at the latest 2020. Abstrak Konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan (LTS) memuat ancaman bagi Indonesia karena sembilan garis putus-putus Tiongkok tumpang tindih dengan Zona Ekonomi Ekslusif Indonesia (ZEE) di perairan Natuna. Limpahan konflik tersebut terpapar pada serbuan Tiongkok di perairan Natuna sejak tahun 2010 hingga 2020 dimana Tiongkok menganggap memiliki hak untuk beraktivitas di beberapa area di perairan Natuna, sedangkan hal tersebut dianggap sebagai pelanggaran wilayah maritim bagi Indonesia. Indonesia mengerahkan kemampuan angkatan lautnya di perairan Natuna sebagai tanggapan atas serbuan Tiongkok di mana fenomena ini dapat dianggap sebagai diplomasi kapal perang. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap seberapa ampuh diplomasi kapal perang Indonesia untuk menangkal serbuan Tiongkok di perairan Natuna. Melalui metode kualitatif, dokumen resmi dan literatur yang relevan akan di analisa untuk menjawab tujuan penelitian. Menggunakan diplomasi kapal perang dan deterensi sebagai kerangka konseptual, penelitian ini melihat bahwa kekuatan angkatan laut menjadi instrumen terdepan sebagai diplomasi kapal perang untuk menangkal perilaku asertif Tiongkok di konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan (LTS) yang menyebabkan Tiongkok menyerbu wilayah perairan Indonesia di Natuna. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa diplomasi kapal perang Indonesia digunakan sebagai kekuatan yang bertujuan dan kekuatan ekspresif di mana kapal perang dikelola sebagai media diplomasi untuk mengubah perilaku kapal-kapal Tiongkok pada penyerbuan di perairan Natuna yang memungkinkan kekuatan angkatan laut Indonesia dapat menindak serbuan Tiongkok di perairan Natuna pada titik waktu tertentu. Namun, diplomasi kapal perang sebagai sarana deterensi Indonesia belum dapat memberikan efek jera kepada Tiongkok secara menyeluruh karena aktivitas kapal Tiongkok di perairan Natuna masih terjadi paling terbaru pada tahun 2020.

Home Page

OAI Link

Editorial Team

Contact

Reviewer

Google Scholar

Contact Name
Ayusia Sabhita Kusuma

Contact Email
ayusia.kusuma@unsoed.ac.id

Phone
-

Journal Mail Official
insignia.hi@unsoed.ac.id

Editorial Address
-

Location
Kab. banyumas,

Jawa tengah

INDONESIA

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Home Page

OAI Link

Editorial Team

Contact

Reviewer

Google Scholar

Contact Name Ayusia Sabhita Kusuma

Contact Email ayusia.kusuma@unsoed.ac.id

Phone -

Journal Mail Official insignia.hi@unsoed.ac.id

Editorial Address -

Location Kab. banyumas, Jawa tengah INDONESIA

Abstract

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Contact Name
Ayusia Sabhita Kusuma

Contact Email
ayusia.kusuma@unsoed.ac.id

Phone
-

Journal Mail Official
insignia.hi@unsoed.ac.id

Editorial Address
-

Location
Kab. banyumas,

Jawa tengah

INDONESIA