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Insignia: Journal of International Relations

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Published by Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

ISSN : 20891962 EISSN : 25979868 DOI : -

Core Subject : Humanities, Art,

Arts Humanities

Insignia Journal of International Relations is published biannually (April & November) by Laboratorium of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Jenderal Soedirman University. This journal contains articles or publications from all issues of International Relations such as: International Politics, Foreign Policy, Security Studies, International Political Economy, Transnational Studies, Area Studies & Non-traditional Issues.

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Articles 206 Documents

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Pengaruh Perspektif Pemberdayaan Perempuan dalam Kebangkitan Ekonomi Lokal: Industri Tempe Sagu di Dusun Mrisi-Yogyakarta Demeiati Nur Kusumaningrum
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 3 No 02 (2016): November 2016
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

AbstrakKosmopolitanisme Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) menempatkan isu kesetaraan gender menjadi penting bagi studi politik-ekonomi pembangunan internasional. PBB melalui UNDP dan UN Woman menekankan peran perempuan tidak hanya sebagai subjek pembangunan daerah. Perempuan memiliki hak dan kesempatan yang sama dengan kaum pria untuk memaksimalkan potensinya dalam pembangunan dan terlibat secara aktif untuk merencanakan masa depannya. Tulisan ini mengamati berkembangnya UKM Kripik Tempe Sagu di Dusun Mrisi, Bantul, DIY yang memberi makna bagi pengembangan ekonomi pedesaan. Usaha ini didirikan pada tahun 2012 dan mampu meraih omzet 50-60 juta per bulan dengan mempekerjakan hanya 3 laki-laki dan 6 perempuan. Tulisan menggambarkan bagaimana potensi komunitas perempuan berpendidikan rendah mampu ditransformasikan sebagai penggerak roda perekonomian pedesaan. Tulisan ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif, dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui observasi, wawancara dan studi kepustakaan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan pemilik UKM yang merupakan individu bependidikan tinggi mengadopsi perspektif pemberdayaan perempuan yang dimaknai sebagai kebermanfaatan bagi sesama dan inovasi berkelanjutan demi pembangunan desa. Dengan mengembangkan potensi ibu-ibu rumah tangga, UKM ini tidak hanya mampu meningkatkan kesejahteraan bagi pemilik dan pekerja tapi juga menjadi sentra pendidikan, studi banding bagi UKM lain di Indonesia, representasi pembinaan dari Dinas Koperasi dan Pemberdayaan UKM Kab. Bantul, dan aktif mengikuti pameran-pameran UKM seperti Bantul Expo. Tantangan normatif-kultural di mana istri pada umumnya tidak bekerja dan merawat anak dapat diatasi dengan membangun jam kerja yang ramah keluarga serta komunikasi yang efektif dengan masyarakat sekitar.Kata-kata Kunci: ekonomi pedesaaan, kesetaraan gender, pemberdayaan perempuanAbstractCosmopolitanism Human Rights put the issue of gender equality to be important for the study of global political development. United Nations through UNDP and UN Women stressed the role of women as a subject of regional development. Women have the same rights and opportunities as men to maximize their potential in development and actively involved to plan its future. This article looks at the development of SMEs named Kripik Tempe Sagu at Kabupaten Bantul, Yogyakarta which gives meaning to the development of the rural economy. This business was founded in 2012 and is able to achieve a turnover of 50-60 million per month by employing only 3 males and 6 females. This paper illustrate how the potential community of low-educated women were able to be transformed as the driving wheel of the rural economy. It is a qualitative research by descriptive method of analysis. The data and information obtained from observation, interview and literature study. The results explained that SME owner is an individual that has high decree of education background so that, she adopted the perspective of women's empowerment is understood as how she share knowledge and benefits for others and bring sustainability innovation for the sake of rural development improvement. By improving the potential of women households, the SMEs economic activities are not only able to improve the welfare of the owners and workers but also become a center of education, study visits for other SMEs in Indonesia. Normative-cultural challenges where wives generally do not work and care for children can be overcome by building a family-friendly working hours and effective communication with the surrounding community.Keywords: rural economy, gender equality, women's empowerment

Standar Ganda Politik Luar Negeri Amerika Serikat Terhadap Kudeta Mesir 2013 Herry Wahyudi
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 1 (2018): April 2018
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

This research will examine the double standards of US foreign policy against the coup in Egypt in 2013, given that the US intervention against the Middle East region is very dominant. Attention and the US response be different in response to the case of the coup in Egypt. US seemed to not make this case as a priority despite the coup led to the violation of human rights and democracy. The response shown by the US is very different compared to the US intervention against Iraq and Libya are rated US itself as defending human rights and democracy in the region. The purpose of this research is to find out why the US double standards in its foreign policy related to the Egyptian coup. Data will be explored through literature method (library research). Overall the data will be correlated with foreign political theory of rational actor models that can explain the reason for choosing the attitude of the US double standard in a coup in Egypt in 2013 based on the selection and cost-benefit considerations on the measures taken. The results of this paper indicate that the indication of the double standards shown by the US to Egypt coup influenced by the victory of the Muslim Brotherhood (IM) as a political Islam that could interfere with the stability and US interests in the Middle East. Some of the options and the consequences have been considered by the US in response to the case, including participating ignoring their violations of democracy and human rights in the case even though it was contrary to the foundations and principles of US foreign policy. Another indication that support multiple standards is the response of US allies in the Middle East, such as Israel, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates who consider IM as a threat to the stability and the Middle East region. Keywords: US double standards, US foreign policy, coup Egypt, political Islam, Muslim Brotherhood Penelitian ini akan mengkaji standar ganda politik luar negeri Amerika Serikat terhadap kudeta di Mesir tahun 2013, mengingat bahwa intervensi AS terhadap kawasan Timur Tengah sangat dominan. Perhatian dan respon AS terlihat berbeda dalam menanggapi kasus kudeta di Mesir. AS seolah tidak membuat kasus ini sebagai prioritas walaupun kudeta tersebut berujung pada pelanggaran HAM dan demokrasi. Respon yang diperlihatkan oleh AS sangat berbeda jika dibandingkan dengan intervensi AS terhadap Irak dan Libya yang dinilai AS sendiri sebagai upaya penegakan HAM dan demokrasi di kawasan tersebut. Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah untuk mencari tahu mengapa AS bersikap standar ganda dalam politik luar negerinya terkait dengan kudeta Mesir. Data akan ditelaah melalui metode kepustakaan. Keseluruhan data akan dikorelasikan dengan teori politik luar negeri model aktor rasional yang dapat memaparkan alasan AS untuk memilih sikap standar ganda dalam kudeta Mesir 2013 berdasarkan pemilihan dan pertimbangan untung-rugi atas tindakan yang telah diambil. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa indikasi standar ganda yang diperlihatkan oleh AS terhadap kudeta Mesir dipengaruhi oleh kemenangan Ikhwanul Muslimin (IM) sebagai political Islam yang dapat mengganggu stabilitas dan kepentingan AS di Timur Tengah. Beberapa pilihan dan konsekuensi telah dipertimbangkan oleh AS dalam merespon kasus ini, termasuk ikut mengabaikan adanya pelanggaran demokrasi dan HAM dalam kasus tersebut walaupun hal tersebut bertentangan dengan landasan dan prinsip politik luar negeri AS. Indikasi lain yang mendukung standar ganda ialah respon sekutu AS di Timur Tengah, seperti: Israel, Arab Saudi, dan Uni Emirat Arab yang menganggap IM sebagai ancaman bagi stabilitas dan kawasan Timur Tengah. Kata kunci: standar ganda AS, politik luar negeri AS, kudeta Mesir, politik Islam, Ikhwanul Muslimin

Rivalitas Strategi Maritim China dan India di Selat Malaka Ayusia Sabhita Kusuma
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 1 No 01 (2014): November 2014
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Regarding the significance of Malacca Strait as a key maritime’s “choke-point” passage betweenIndian and Pacific oceans, some major countries become dependence with the security and safetyin Malacca Sea Lines of Communications (SLOC). China and India are two states-user ofMalacca Strait which sharing common interests of economic, maritime trade and energy supplies.The problem is, as a regional power of each region, India and China have an ambition to controlthe security of Malacca’s Strait. China which is more dependent with its 80% trade and energysupply through Malacca Strait, facing “Malacca dilemma” regarding the issue. Then, with thestrategy of “string of pearls” and the modernization of of People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN),China became assertive to save its interests. India, which has control over Indian Ocean then feelthreaten by China’s activities around Malacca Strait and Indian Ocean. India starts and enhancesthe development of Andaman Nicobar Command with US support near Malacca Straits to counterChina’s development. This paper will analyze the development of China’s dan India’s maritimestrategy rivalry in Malacca Straits with the concepts of balance of power and maritime strategy. Keywords: Malacca Strait, China’s maritime strategy, India’s maritime strategy, rivalry, balanceof power

Analisis Peran Rusia sebagai Mediator dalam Penyelesaian Konflik Nagorno Karabakh Periode 2008-2016 Andhika Dewantara; Muhammad Yamin
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 6 No 1 (2019): April 2019
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

The Nagorno Karabakh conflict is a conflict over territorial disputes that is synonymous with inter-Azerbaijan strife that adheres to the principle of integrating its territory in Nagorno Karabakh and Armenia which support the Nagorno Karabakh region and ethnic Armenians who are in it for independence from Azerbaijan. The dynamics of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia continue to unfold, and there has never been a sustainable peace agreement between the two parties in dispute since the peace agreement Bishkek (Bishkek Protocol) 1994. Along with the dynamics of the battle, Russia has a very active role in the mediation and peace-building process between the two parties in conflict. Russia's position as mediator is carried out within the official framework of the OSCE Minsk Group and in the personal initiation of the state in the medium of the trilateral meeting. This research will describe the dynamics of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict in the period 2008-2016 along with efforts to resolve disputes under the Russian role. Keywords : Nagorno Karabakh Conflict, Russia, Mediation, and Contigency Model

Pemberdayaan Nelayan Lokal Indonesia Untuk Mengatasi Penyelundupan di Batam Kris Mada
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 3 No 01 (2016): April 2016
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

AbstrakMengontrol laut berjuta kilometer persegi membuat Indonesia memiliki batas maritim besar. Dibutuhkan sumber daya yang sangat besar untuk mengontrol perbatasan maritim secara optimal. Pengawasan untuk memastikan perbatasan tidak digunakan sebagai lintasan perdagangan gelap, perdagangan narkotika, dan penyelundupan senjata. Sayangnya, Indonesia belum memiliki kekuatan pokok minimum untuk mengontrol batas-batasnya. Sumber daya yang terbatas tercermin dalam Direktorat Jenderal Bea dan Cukai (DJBC) Kantor Batam, Kepulauan Riau. Agen avant garde dalam pencegahan penyelundupan tidak memiliki cukup tenaga dan kapal untuk rutin berpatroli di sekitar Batam, kota per-batasan yang terletak di Indonesia, dan perbatasan Malaysia-Singapura. Akibatnya, Batam menjadi salah satu pintu masuk dan keluar dari berbagai selundupan. Oleh karena itu, keterlibatan aktor-aktor non-negara untuk menjadi salah satu alternatif untuk mengatasi penyelundupan. Salah satu aktor negara di Batam adalah pelaut Indonesia lokal yang memiliki lebih banyak orang dan kapal dari DJBC.Kata-kata kunci: penyelundupan, keamanan maritime, manajemen perbatasan, actor non Negara, pelaut local AbstractControl million of square kilometres ocean making Indonesia has enormous maritime boundaries. It takes enormous resources to control the maritime border optimally. Supervision, apropos, to ensure the border is not used as the trajec-tory of illicit trade, narcotic trafficking, and arms smuggling. Unfortunately, Indonesia hasn’t had minimum essential force to control her boundaries yet. Limited resources was reflected in Directorate General of Custom and Excise (DGCE) Office Batam, Riau Islands. Avant garde agent in smuggling prevention does not have enough personnel and ships to routinely patrol around Batam, border city located in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore boundaries. Conse-quently, Batam become one of the entrances and exits of various contraband. . Therefore, the involvement of non-state actors to be one alternative to overcome smuggling. One state actors in Batam is a local Indonesian seafarer who has more people and boats than DJBC.Keywords : smuggling, maritime security, boundaries management, non-state actors, local fisheries

Relevansi Maqasid Syariah Sebagai Pendekatan Baru Diplomasi Islam Dalam Penyelesaian Konflik Minoritas: Teori Dan Praktik Mochamad Fathoni
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 4 No 01 (2017): April 2017
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

AbstractAfter 9/11, muslim in the west became minority even in his/her own country. There are presumption that Islam related to terrorism and this is the main reason why muslim in the world become minority, especially for muslim who live in the non-muslim country. Aim of the study is to find a new approach within muslim in diplomacy to protect the muslim minority or other minority in the plurality of today nation-state. We use literature studies through descriptive analysis in explained the relevance of maqoshid sharia in solving the minority issue and compare several case study of its implementation in several countries. The novelty of the study is that political scientists have not touched the topic from the basic teaching of Islam, which is maqashid sharia, as an approach in solving the problem related minority, especially muslim minority. The finding in the study is that maqashid sharia as an approach can be developed as soft-power diplomacy strategy which can be distinguished as Islamic diplomacy model in solving minority issue.Keywords: maqosid sharia, Islamic diplomacy, minorityAbstrakPasca peristiwa 9/11, warga muslim di negara-negara barat seakan menjadi minoritas di negaranya sendiri. Munculnya pra-anggapan yang mengkaitkan Islam dan terorisme merupakan sebab utama warga muslim dunia menjadi betul-betul minoritas. Hal ini terutama dialami oleh umat Islam yang berada di negara-negara non-muslim. Tujuan studi ini adalah diperlukan pendekatan baru dari umat Islam sendiri, terutama dari negara-negara Islam atau mayoritas muslim dalam berdiplomasi untuk melindungi minoritas muslim maupun minoritas etnis dan agama lain di tengah dinamika negara-bangsa yang semakin majemuk. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian studi pustaka dan menggunakan analisis deskiptif dalam menjelaskan relevansi maqasid syariah dalam menyelesaikan masalah minoritas disertai perbandingan sejumlah contoh studi kasus penerapannya di sejumlah negara. Kebaruan dari studi ini adalah belum ada ilmuwan politik yang menggunakan maqosid syariah sebagai pendekatan model diplomasi Islam di dalam menangani berbagai persoalan menyangkut isyu minoritas, khususnya minoritas muslim. Temuan dalam penelitian ini adalah pendekatan maqasid syariah dapat menjadi strategi diplomasi soft power yang menjadi ciri khas model diplomasi Islam dalam mencapai kepentingan tidak saja menyelesaikan isyu minoritas.Kata-kata kunci: maqosid syariah, diplomasi islam, minoritas

Intractable Conflict in Southern Thailand Enny Fathurachmi
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 1 No 01 (2014): November 2014
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Konflik di Thailand Selatan antara pemerintah Thailand dan kelompok muslim Pattani menjadi satu gambaran konflik berkepanjangan ketika tidak adanya pihak ketiga yang menjadi mediator dalam konflik ini. Jika dilihat dari durasinya, tuduhan satu dengan lainnya pada pihak yang berkonflik dan kematangan dari konflik itu sendiri maka, konflik Thailand Selatan sudah dapat dikategorikan sebagai intractability conflict. Kondisi konflik Thailand Selatan menjadi potret ketidakmaksimalan negosiasi yang dilakukan oleh kedua belah pihak berkonflik tanpa ada pihak ketiga yang menjadi mediator. Tulisan ini menawarkan strategi lain yang dapat dipergunakan dalam penyelesaian konflik dengan melibatkan pihak ketiga. Kata-kata Kunci: Intractability Conflict, Thailand Selatan, resolusi konflik, pihak ketiga

Menguatnya Popularitas Turki di Indonesia: Faktor Ikhwanul Muslimin sebagai Identitas Kolektif Nabhan Aiqani
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 2 (2018): November 2018
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

ABSTRACT This article aims to discuss the strengthening of the Turkish phenomenon in Indonesia as indicated by the popular figure of Erdogan among the people of the country. This popularity was demonstrated by the emergence of various communities, reviews, and discussions about Turkey and Erdogan. Very rare things before. To analyze this phenomenon, researchers rely on the concept of collective identity in understanding the identity between Turkey which is currently led by Erdogan and the identity of Islamic groups in Indonesia. The results of the study show that the strengthening of Turkish and Erdogan influence in Indonesia due to the factor of collective identity as the Muslim Brotherhood, in which several Islamic groups in Indonesia also make it an ideological inspiration in movement activities. So, on this basis, the echo of Turkey and Erdogan became very popular in Indonesia through the activities and narratives built by the Islamic group. Keywords: Turkey, Muslim Brotherhood, Islamic Group in Indonesia, Collective Identity ABSTRAK Artikel ini bertujuan untuk membahas mengenai menguatnya fenomena Turki di Indonesia yang ditunjukkan dengan populernya sosok Erdogan dikalangan masyarakat tanah air. Kepopuler itu ditunjukkan dengan munculnya berbagai komunitas, ulasan, maupun diskusi seputar Turki dan Erdogan. Hal yang sangat jarang terjadi sebelumnya. Untuk menganalisi fenomena tersebut, peneliti menyandarkan konsep identitas kolektif dalam memahami indentitas antara Turki yang dipimpin oleh Erdogan saat ini dan identitas kelompok Islam di Indonesia. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa menguatnya pengaruh Turki dan Erdogan di Indonesia dikarenakan faktor kesamaan identitas kolektif sebagai Ikhwanul Muslimin yang mana beberapa kelompok Islam di Indonesia juga menjadikannya sebagai inspirasi ideologis dalam aktivitas gerakan. Sehingga, atas dasar hal tersebut, gaung Turki dan Erdogan menjadi amat populer di Indonesia melalui aktivitas dan narasi yang dibangun oleh kelompok islam tersebut. Kata Kunci: Turki, Ikhwanul Muslimin, Kelompok Islam di Indonesia, Identitas Kolektif

The Paradox of Social Media: The De-democratization of Malaysia Leo Agustino; Badrul Azmier Mohamed@Bakar
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 2 No 02 (2015): November 2015
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

AbstractToday, social media is perceived as the media. Blogs and bloggers have changed journalism; YouTube has discovered rare and raw talents; and the trinity (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) have sparked revolutions. Focusing on end-users instead of producers and its interactive-ness are two paramount characters that permit ordinary people to engage in extra-ordinary activities. From the showbiz to politics, social media has left its marks. The World political events in recent years, in particular Arab Spring of MENA (Middle East and North Africa) have showcased positive link between social media and democratization. Malaysia has experienced quite a similar phenomenon to MENA in the verge of the 12th General Election (GE-12), held on March 8, 2008. The failure of the only ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (National Front, or BN) to retain its two-third majority in the GE-12 is an empirical evident of people‟s desire and aspiration for free and fair elections, good-governance, and democratization which are very different from race-based politics. At a glimpse, the results of the 13th General Election (GE-13) which was held on May 5, 2013 are quite similar to the GE-12. Yet, deeper analyses indicated race-base politics and “strong government” has made a comeback. Hence, this article explores the paradox when the state is not only interfering but also participating in social media. This exploration demonstrates social media is not only meant for the masses; and that by possessing money, machinery, and authority; the state is potentially dominant at social media. Keywords: Democratization, de-democratization, social media, general election AbstrakSaat ini, media sosial diterima sebagai media. Blog dan para blogger mengubah jurnalisme: YouTube menemukan bakat-bakat terpendam dan alami; serta the trinity (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) telah memicu revolusi. Fokus yang lebih diberikan kepada pengguna akhir ketimbang produsen dan karakter interaktifnya adalah dua karakter penting yang memungkinkan orang-orang biasa terlibat dalam aktivitas-aktivitas yang tidak biasa. Dari pertunjukan ke politik, media sosial telah meninggalkan jejaknya. Peristiwa politik dunia dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, khususnya fenomena Arab Spring dari MENA (Timur Tengah dan Afrika Utara) telah menunjukkan hubungan positif antara media sosial dan demokratisasi. Malaysia mempunyai pengalaman yang hampir sama dengan fenomena MENA dalam Pemilihan Umum ke 12 (GE-12), pada 8 Maret 2008. Kegagalan dari satu-satunya koalisi yang berkuasa, Barisan Nasional (National Front, or BN) untuk mempertahankan 2/3 suaranya adalah bukti empiris bahwa rakyat berkeinginan dan mempunyai aspirasi untuk Pemilu yang bebas dan adil, pemerintahan yang baik, dan demokratisasi yang sangat berbeda dari politik berbasis ras. Sekilas, hasil Pemilihan Umum 13 (GE-13) yang diselenggarakan pada 5 Mei 2013 sangat mirip dengan GE-12. Namun, analisis yang lebih dalam menunjukkan bahwa politik berbasis ras dan pemerintah kuat telah kembali. Oleh karena itu, artikel ini mengeksplorasi hal yang paradoks ketika negara tidak hanya mencampuri tetapi juga berpartisipasi di media sosial. Eksplorasi ini menunjukkan bahwa media sosial tidak hanya dimaksudkan untuk massa; dan bahwa dengan memiliki uang, mesin, dan otoritas; negara berpotensi menjadi dominan di media sosial. Kata-Kata Kunci: Demokratisasi, de-demokratisasi, media sosial, pemilihan umum

U.S. Foreign Policy Towards Iranian Nuclear Threat from Bill Clinton to Donald Trump Administration Anak Agung Banyu Perwita; Muhammad Ilham Razak
Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 1 (2020): April 2020
Publisher : Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Iranian nuclear threat remains one of the most pressing issue throughout the history of US foreign policy. Ever since the islamic revolution occured in Iran in 1979, Iran hostile activities in Middle East has been a major threat for US security interest, in particular when Iran started to build its ambition to build its nuclear weapon. Having said that, this article aims to discuss US foreign policy toward the threat of Iranian nuclear program from Bill Clinton administration until Trump Administration. By using thematic analysis from Braun and Clarke, this article would scrutinize the internal and external factors of US foreign policy toward Iran and then seeks to understand the change and continuity of US foreign policy from Bill Clinton until Trump administration. From the analysis, it was found that US foreign policy has been influenced a lot by its internal and external factors, resulting in different responses of US foreign policy in each administration. Moreover, US foreign policy has been consistent to put Iranian nuclear threat as its major security threat despite differ in its foreign policy. However, the withdrawal of US under Trump in Joint Comprehensive Plan Of Action (JCPOA) deal has provided an inconsistency of US foreign policy with its previous administration.

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