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Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Published by Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta
ISSN : 0126012X     EISSN : 2338557X     DOI : 10.14421
Core Subject : Religion, Humanities,
Religion Humanities
Al-Jamiah invites scholars, researchers, and students to contribute the result of their studies and researches in the areas related to Islam, Muslim society, and other religions which covers textual and fieldwork investigation with various perspectives of law, philosophy, mysticism, history, art, theology, sociology, anthropology, political science and others.
Arjuna Subject : Seni dan Humaniora - Studi Agama
Articles 1,211 Documents
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Understanding the Multidimensional Islamic Faith Through ‘Abd Al-Ghanī Al-Nābulusī’s Mystical Philosophy Yamamoto, Naoki
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 51, No 2 (2013)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2013.512.389-407

Abstract

This paper tries to present a new perspective on Islamic faith and Muslim identity to Muslim minorities who are challenged in practicing or following Islamic law in non-Islamic countries or non-Muslims in the contemporary world. It will uncover the multidimensional perspective of the concept of faith based on sin (dhanb) and repentance (tawbah) through the mystical philosophy of a Syrian scholar, Abd al-Ghanī al-Nābulusī (d. 1143/1741) of the 18th century Ottoman Damascus who contributed to the field of Sufism particularly based on Ibn ‘Arabī’s thought of waḥdat al-wujūd (oneness of being) and insān kāmil (the perfect man). Nābulusī believes that anyone who lived during the inexistence of prophet’s revelation, inhabited an isolated place cut off from information about Islam, or lived in dār al-ḥarb and did not make a hijra to dār al-islām could not be regarded as sinful in their deeds. However, faith in Allah is essential and infidelity is not forgiven regardless whether or not they live in dār al-islām or dār al-ḥarb. Further, Nābulusī insists that true faith can be achieved by understanding the sin of existence; the ignorance of the difference of existence between Allah and men. [Artikel ini menjelaskan identitas keberagamaan umat Islam minoritas yang dituntut untuk menerapkan syariat, namun harus hidup di negara non-muslim, dengan mendiskusikan perspektif multidimensional terhadap konsep dosa dan tobat khususnya konsep waḥdat al-wujūd dan insān kāmil yang dikembangkan oleh Abd al-Ghanī al-Nābulusī (1143/1741), seorang sufi pemikir Syria yang hidup di masa kesultanan Usmani di Damaskus. Nābulusī berkeyakinan bahwa siapa saja yang hidup sebelum turunnya wahyu di masa Nabi, hidup di daerah terpencil yang tidak mengenal Islam, atau hidup di dār al-ḥarb dan tidak hijrah ke dār al-islām, tidaklah dibebani dosa atas perbuatannya. Namun demikian, iman kepada Allah amatlah penting dan kekufuran tidaklah dimaafkan, baik seseorang tersebut hidup di dār al-islām ataupun dār al-ḥarb. Nābulusī beranggapan bahwa iman yang hakiki bisa dicapai dengan memahami dosa eksistensial, yaitu mempersamakan eksistensi Allah dan manusia.]
Liberal Thought in Qur’anic Studies: Tracing Humanistic Approach to Sacred Text in Islamic Scholarship Setiawan, M. Nur Kholis
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 45, No 1 (2007)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2007.451.1-28

Abstract

Literary approach to the Quran developed by al-Khuli created deep critiques from its opponents, in whose opinion, the usage of literary paradigm to the study of the Qur’an, according to them, implied a consequence of treating the Qur’an as a human text which clearly indicates a strong influence of a liberal mode of thinking that goes out of the line of the Qur’an’s spirit. This article shows a diametric fact compared to that they have claimed. The data proves that linguistic aspects of the Qur’an have succeeded in making an intellectual connection among progressive and liberal scholars in the classical and modern era. This supports the assumption that progressive and liberal thought whose one of its indicators is freedom of thought in accordance to Charles Kurzman term, is “children” of the Islamic civilization. Freedom of thought in the classical Islamic scholarship should be the élan of intellectualism including the field of Quranic studies.
Pesantren and the Freedom of Thinking: Study of Ma‘had Aly Pesantren Sukorejo Situbondo, East Java, Indonesia Gazali, Hatim; Malik, Abd.
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 47, No 2 (2009)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2009.472.295-316

Abstract

Various studies on Pesantren have been conducted through various lenses and perspectives; however, its attractiveness is still there. In some points, the pesantren is well known as a conservative institution in which freedom of thinking is limited. This article is willing to show that not all pesantrens limit their students freedom of thinking. One of them is Mahad Aly (higher education), one of the education institution in Pesantren Salafiyah Syafiiyah Sukorejo Situbondo which focuses its teaching on fiqh. Fiqh, or Islamic jurisprudence, is one of the branches of Islamic science. In some pesantrens, the teaching of fiqh is limited to one school or madhhab, particularly school of Shafii. However, in Mahad Aly, not only one school of thought is taught, but fiqh of four schools of thought. It shows a high tolerance and respect for differences. In order to seek a new ingredient in formulating Islamic law, the teaching of fiqh is combined with other sciences such as philosophy, sociology, and anthropology. This new ingredient produces a rich discourse of fiqh and widens its scope of discussion to include to religious relationships, gender, human rights, ecology, and other contemporary issues such as interfaith marriage, the possibility of a non-Muslim being president, and the role of women in the public sphere. Looking from the curriculum, the method of teaching, and the publication of bulletin of Tanwirul Afkar, this article proves that freedom of thinking is well-maintained at Mahad Aly.
Strongmen and Religious Leaders in Java: Their Dynamic Relationship in Search of Power Pribadi, Yanwar
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 49, No 1 (2011)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2011.491.159-190

Abstract

The central purpose of this paper is to explore the dynamic relationship between Javanese strongmen and religious leaders in search of power. Two groups of strongmen --jago in Central and East Java and jawara in Banten-- and religious leaders, such as kyai, tarekat teachers and guru ngaji are the subjects of this discussion. I present two groups of strongmen and religious leaders and sketch how both groups, through their socio-political as well as religious roles, preserve the values of the Javanese and Bantenese. Religious leaders and strongmen have been the source of informal traditional leadership, particularly in villages. Religious leaders have represented leadership in knowledge, while strongmen have represented leadership with regard to braveness and physical magical power. The most visible roles of the strongmen are as power brokers. In the meantime, religious leaders have to be aware of the risk of being alienated and isolated from their horizontal networks within religious circles, but also more importantly, that their high position in society will gradually fade away if they place themselves too close to strongmen and the authorities.
Being Woman in the Land of Shari‘a: Politics of the Female Body, Piety, and Resistance in Langsa, Aceh Ansor, Muhammad
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 1 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.521.59-83

Abstract

This study investigates the dynamic of institutionalization of Shari’a in Aceh, which focuses on analysis of the patterns of Langsa women’s resistance against religious leaders and state interpretations of the dress standards in the public space. This matter emerged because the implementation of Shari’a has been supported by local people, but the standard of Islamic dress that should be applied is still debatable among various groups in Aceh that have varied understandings and different religious visions. The regulation of dress code has been an issue for religious leaders, intellectuals, and Moslem activists. The resistance of Langsa women against the politics of body discipline could be open and secret. To analyze the forms of women’s resistance, the researcher applied James C. Scott’s hidden transcripts theory. Inspired by this theoretical framework, the researcher found that Langsa women, intellectuals, and religious leaders expressed their resistance over how women should dress in public space. In collecting the data, the researcher used observation, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions. Accordingly, the research shows how Langsa women express their resistance towards religious hegemony and state interpretation of Islam.[Tulisan ini membahas dinamika pelembagaan syariat Islam di Aceh dengan fokus resistensi tersembunyi perempuan Langsa terhadap penafsiran elite agama dan pemerintah perihal pembakuan standar pakaian di ruang publik. Meskipun implementasi syariat Islam Aceh mendapat dukungan masyarakat setempat, tetapi ketika sebuah tafsir tertentu tentang pakaian Islami dibakukan dalam regulasi (Qanun), muncul perdebatan dari sebagian muslim yang berpola pemikiran dan visi keagamaan berbeda. Bukan hanya perdebatan di kalangan elite agama, intelektual, maupun aktivis, perempuan di berbagai daerah di Aceh pun mengekspresikan resistensi, baik secara terbuka maupun tersembunyi. Peneliti menggunakan teori hidden transcripts sebagaimana dikemukakan James C. Scott untuk menganalisa resistensi tersebut. Data dikumpulkan melalui observasi, wawancara mendalam, serta diskusi kelompok terfokus (FGD). Penelitian ini memperlihatkan bagaimana perempuan Langsa mengekspresikan resistensi tersembunyi atas hegemoni elite agama dan pemerintah dalam menafsirkan Islam].
The Politics of Retaliation: the Backlash of Radical Islamists to the Deradicalization Project in Indonesia Hilmy, Masdar
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 51, No 1 (2013)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2013.511.129-158

Abstract

This paper seeks to analyze how the program of deradicalization in Indonesia is approached, understood and treated by radical Islamists. This paper argues that the deradicalization program in this country has invited controversies, criticisms and even backlash from radical Islamists on the grounds that it goes against the principles of human rights because of state’s intervention into religious life of its citizens. In addition, it is carried out by violent method which mostly ends with killing the accused terrorists along with the arrest and ambush by security officers. In order to analyze the focus of the study, this paper employs socio-political approach. This paper finds that more thorough approach needs to be employed by the state within the framework of human rights. Therefore, the ideology of radical Islamism and terrorism must be dealt with from two sides; at the upstream and the downstream levels. At the upstream level, the program of deradicalization must be carried out within the framework of interdepartmental and ministerial partnership. This program should invite as many institutions as possible to be involved and reach as wide audience as possible. At the downstream level, the program of deradicalization must abide to human rights principles. The security approach taken by the government should not end with killing or dehumanizing terrorists. By doing so, the national program of deradicalization can appeal as wide sympathy possible and will not harvest backlash from the Islamists. [Artikel ini mendiskusikan bagaimana program deradikalisasi di Indonesia dipahami, dimengerti, dan disikapi oleh kalangan Islamis. Tulisan ini berasumsi bahwa program deradikalisasi yang dilakukan memincu kontroversi, kritik, bahkan memicu juga aksi balasan yang dilancarkan kalangan Islamis radikal. Beberapa kalangan menilai program tersebut melanggar prinsip hak asasi manusia karena merepresentasikan bentuk intervensi negara terhadap kehidupan beragama masyarakatnya. Lebih dari itu, beberapa program dilaksanakan dengan melakukan tindak kekerasan dan kerap berakhir dengan penangkapan, penganiayaan, bahkan pembunuhan tersangka teroris. Dalam menganalisis tema tulisan, pendekatan sosialpolitik digunakan. Artikel ini kemudian menemukan bahwa pendekatan yang berangkat dari nilai-nilai hak asasi manusia perlu dipertegas. Karena itu, ideologi islamis-radikal and terorisme harus dilihat melalui dua sisi secara bersama. Pada level atas, program deradikalisasi dilakukan dengan kerjasama antar lembaga dan kementerian terkait. Dengan begitu, program deradikalisasi diwujudkan dengan mengajak sebanyak-banyaknya lembaga untuk terlibat serta memperluas target audien. Pada level bawah, program deradikalisasi harus mematuhi prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pendekatan keamanan yang dominan dilakukan tidak harus berakhir dengan membunuh atau dengan melanggar hak asasi manusia yang juga melekat pada diri Islamis dan teroris. Dengan model seperti ini, program nasional deradikalisasi mampu memperoleh dukungan dan simpati masyarakat luas dan dapat meredam aksi balasan kalangan Islamis.]
Editorial: Muslim Scholars towards Western Interdisciplinary Approach
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 44, No 2 (2006)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2006.442.vii-viii

Abstract

It could be spoken up that ulama of classical and medieval ages carried out interdisciplinary approaches in dealing with difficulties they had encountered in understanding Islamic texts or teachings. This could be indicated from a number of the ulama who possessed not only one expertise but more, such as an Arabic linguist who was also expert both in Islamic jurisprudence, quranic exegesis and Muhammadan tradition. Therefore, it was common sense that when they were interpreting quranic verses they not only exercised other quranic verses or Muhammadan tradition but also the Arabic linguistic or Islamic jurisprudence to catch the meaning of the verses they had been interpreting. However, in the recent era have occurred a lot of facts showing that Muslim scholars have exercised approaches of Western scholars. This is not a fault of them but their progressiveness and creativity to reach on what the ulama did not produce yet. Nevertheless, rarely would the Muslim scholars like to back their Islamic disciplines with braches of knowledge found by Western scholars significantly beneficial for the development of Islamic knowledge. Only those who have realized that to deal with the Western approaches is a necessity would like to do it.
Editorial: How the Centre of Malaysian Politics Shifted to the Islamist Register 1969-2009
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 47, No 1 (2009)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2009.471.ix-xiv

Abstract

One of the most obvious observations that can be made about the form and content of Malaysian politics, political discourse and political culture today is how the country has shifted to a visibly more Islamist register, with the symbols and vocabulary of political Islam gaining prominence and visibility over the past four decades. This is particularly true in the case of Malaysia’s civil society space, which was once dominated by secular Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), mass movements and lobby groups. Today, however, we are looking at the relatively new phenomenon of a Malaysian civil society space which is increasingly being dominated by Islamist civil society movements that operate within the constitutional framework of the country but which are pushing for a clearly religious-communitarian agenda, namely the Islamisation of Malaysian society and politics. How did this come about?
Islamism in Politics: Integration and Persecution in Egypt DeGregorio, Christina
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 48, No 2 (2010)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2010.482.343-363

Abstract

This paper tries to portray the why in which Islamism reacted to political constellation in the Egyptian context from the time of Anwar Sadat to of Hosni Mubarak. It shows that the Egyptian government from time to time often adopts a harsh policy toward any forms of extremism in the name of Islam. However, persecution led to nothing but the increase of radical Islamism. This occurred because the Islamist movement failed to integrate their ideas in the real political domain. Failure in integration to both political and social life fueled further exclusivism.
Piety, Politics, and Post-Islamism: Dhikr Akbar in Indonesia Hasan, Noorhaidi
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 50, No 2 (2012)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2012.502.369-390

Abstract

Dhikr akbar has developed into a performance that provides the opportunity for the sharing of political ideas, thus helping to constitute and negotiate a new public sphere. It is one of the most remarkable developments in the public visibility of Islam in post-Suharto Indonesia. Involving reflexive actions which are significant in the construction of personal and social identity, the dhikr akbar has the ability to silently invoke relations, actions, symbols, meanings and codes, and also to bind in one symbolic package changing roles, statues, social structures and ethical and legal rules. An active religiosity which takes the form of peaceful, esoteric expressions, the dhikr akbar represents a new sense of piety. To some extent, it can be conceptualized as an alternative to religious fundamentalism, an outward-oriented activism tempted to change the society or existing system with one based on religion. Normally performed in a cultural space which attracts public esteem, it serves as a concentrated moment of communality and expression of a community’s faith and, at the same time, a means of empowering political, social and economic networks.[Dhikr Akbar berkembang menjadi ‘panggung’ di mana gagasan politik dapat disemai, karena itu berperan dalam mengokohkan dan menegosiasi ruang publik baru. Dhikr Akbar adalah salah satu bentuk ritual Islam di ruang publik yang berkembang pasca Orde Baru. Melalui aktifitas reflektif yang berperan dalam pembentukan identitas personal dan sosial, dhikr akbar mampu memunculkan relasi, aksi, simbol, makna, dan kode, sekaligus untuk mempertemukan kesemuanya dalam satu bentuk simbol peran yang berubah, status, struktur sosial, dan etika serta aturan hukum.  Sebagai satu bentuk religiusitas aktif yang berbentuk corak Islam yang tenang  dan berorientasi pada dimensi dalam-esoteris, dhikr akbar dapat disebut pula sebagai satu bentuk kesalehan baru. Bentuk kesalehan dapat juga merupakan bentuk keagamaan yang berbeda dengan fundamentalisme, yang berorientasi pada aktifisme dimensi luar dengan tujuan merubah masyarakat atau sistem yang berlaku dengan sistem yang dianggap Islami. Dhikr akbar yang biasanya diselenggarakan di ruang budaya menarik perhatian masyarakat. Kegiatan ini menjadi aktifitas yang mampu menyatukan komunalitas dan ekspresi agama serta pada saat yang sama, mempertemukan jaringan politik, sosial, dan ekonomi.

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