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Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Published by Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta
ISSN : 0126012X     EISSN : 2338557X     DOI : 10.14421
Core Subject : Religion, Humanities,
Religion Humanities
Al-Jamiah invites scholars, researchers, and students to contribute the result of their studies and researches in the areas related to Islam, Muslim society, and other religions which covers textual and fieldwork investigation with various perspectives of law, philosophy, mysticism, history, art, theology, sociology, anthropology, political science and others.
Arjuna Subject : Seni dan Humaniora - Studi Agama
Articles 1,223 Documents
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Lukisan Peleburan Cinta yang Erotik: Puisi Sufi di antara Estetika dan Etika Cinta Ilahiyah Wachid B.S., Abdul
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 43, No 2 (2005)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2005.432.475-499

Abstract

The ecstatic experience of a Sufi often drives him or her to producing such unusual sayings ordinarily called as shathiyya, which are sometimes problematic for common people. This is due to the fact that the expressions are not in common language; they are articulated in “the language of heart”, which is figurative and symbolic, since they state conative experiences. In this regard, love poems with their erotic expressions are chosen as a media for a Sufi’s reflection. In addition, the writer discusses the rationale of Sufis in connection with their erotic-love poetic illustrations. Some poems of Sufi Poets, such as those of Sana’i, Rabi‘a al-Adawiyya, Sa‘di, Jami‘,and Amir Hamzah, are elaborated for a further appreciation of the Sufis’ shathiyya.
Governing Hajj: Politics of Islamic Pilgrimage Services in Indonesia Prior to Reformasi Era Ichwan, Moch Nur
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 46, No 1 (2008)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2008.461.125-151

Abstract

This article highlights that the hajj (Islamic pilgrimage to Mecca) involves not only religious devotion, but also religious tourism and its associated business, necessary to deal with massive parties of pilgrims, embracing trans-national relations, central and local governments, flight and other travel agencies, pilgrimage guidance units, catering agencies and hotels to the pilgrims themselves in its scope. The aim of this article is to analyse the politics of hajj services, which was carried out mainly through the placing of this pilgrimage under government control, leading to the assumption of its monopoly by the government during the New Order period. Although it will focus on Soeharto period, there will be some discussions on this subject during the colonial and early post-colonial periods to trace the genealogy of government control of hajj pilgrimage (and ‘umrah, known also as ‘small hajj’), especially during the New Order.  The author argues that the complexities of hajj (and ‘umrah) services were not so much caused by religious aspect but rather by political and economic motives.
The Historical Figure of Omar al-Mukhtar and Islamic Martyrdom in Indonesia Dhont, Frank
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 50, No 1 (2012)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2012.501.75-95

Abstract

The story of Omar al-Mukhtar resisting Italian colonisation of Libya had great potential as a rallying point for anti-colonial sentiment in the Indies stirred up by Islamic politicians under a Pan-Islamic banner. The Dutch colonial government was quite aware of the issue’s sensitivity. It forbade newspapers and Islamic leaders from even mentioning the story of Omar al-Mukhtar with the result that the proposed boycotts against Italy could not become widespread. The effectivity of Dutch policy snuffed out the possibility of the figure of Omar al-Mukhtar becoming a rallying point for those politically active in the struggle against colonialism. Those that would become Indonesian National Heroes with Islamic roots were in fact figures re-cast in a national, secular mould. After ndonesian independence it was national, local identity which dominated over that of Islamic martyrdom.[Kisah perjuangan Omar al-Mukhtar dalam melawan kolonialisasi Italia menjadi kisah yang menginspirasi gerakan anti-kolonialisme di Hindia-Belanda yang dimotori oleh kalangan politisi muslim melalui semboyan Pan-Islamisme. Pemerintah kolonial Belanda merespon dengan hati-hati isu sensitif ini dengan melarang koran dan pemimpin Muslim menceritakan kisah perjuangan Omar al-Mukhtar. Namun, pelarangan ini tidak cukup berhasil. Omar al-Mukhtar menjadi inspirator gerakan anti-kolonialisme. Mereka yang disebut sebagai pahlawan nasional dengan latar belakang muslim sebenarnya tokoh-tokoh yang dihadirkan dengan nuansa nasional/sekuler. Setelah Indonesia merdeka, identitas lokal-nasional itulah yang kemudian lebih dominan ketimbang identitas keislaman.]
Book Review: Syi‘ah dan Wacana Perubahan Mushaf al-Quran, Tahrif al-Qur’an Setiawan, M. Nur Kholis
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 43, No 1 (2005)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2005.431.241-254

Abstract

Dalam tradisi Sunni, perbincangan tentang sejarah teks al-Quran nyaris tidak menimbulkan gejolak yang berarti, mengingat historiografi dan tradisi periwayatan dalam sekte ini tidak menimbulkan persoalan serius, alias telah diresepsi sebagai sesuatu yang taken for granted. Sementara, hal yang sama tidak terjadi dalam sekte lain, khususnya Syi‘ah, bahkan keberadaan mushaf ‘Uthmānī masih tidak lepas dari kritik otentisitas serta banyak kecurigaan terhadap peran khalifah ‘Uthma>n dalam penyeragaman mushaf, meskipun sampai sekarang ini masih berlaku di mayoritas dunia muslim.
Islam and Human Rights in Indonesia: An Account of Muslim Intellectuals’ Views Fuad, Ahmad Nur; Arbaiyah, A.; Mughni, Syafiq; Jainuri, Achmad
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 45, No 2 (2007)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2007.452.241-287

Abstract

The issue of Islam and human rights has become important issue in Indonesia at least since the last two decades. Indonesian Muslims have developed two different approaches to human rights: in complete agreement with the declaration of universal human rights; and in resistance to that declaration and developing understanding that Islam encompasses human rights values. The article argues for its part that human rights are not absolutely universal, because they are based chiefly on Western values, structures, ethics and morality. For that, it is reasonable to question their universality. The present article focuses on how Indonesian Muslim intellectuals conceive of human rights and Islamic values as they perceive the two. Specifically, it focuses on four principal issues in human rights discourse: freedom of opinion, religious freedoms, rights of women, and criminal law. The authors reveal in the conclusion that although some Indonesian Muslim intellectuals admit that universal human rights are truly universal, they still see differences in certain cases, due to differences in socio-cultural background. They have tried to affect a synthesis between the universality and particularity of both Islamic and universal human rights in order to make both fit within the Indonesian context.
Islam and Minorities: Managing Identity in Malaysia Suaedy, Ahmad
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 48, No 1 (2010)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2010.481.1-44

Abstract

The Malaysian general election in March 2008 raised an interesting and new phenomenon. For the first time since independence in 1957, the ruling alliance known as the National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN) failed to secure two thirds of seats in parliament and lost control of five of Malaysia’s 13 states. This was due to the challenge presented by the new opposition alliance known as the Alternative Front (Barisan Alternatif, BA) or the People’s Alliance (Pakatan Rakyat, PK) which won more than 36% of seats in parliament and gained control of the five states. In the 2004 election, BN secured the largest ever percentage of seats in parliament with 91%. What is interesting is that it seems that this significant increase in support for the opposition is  due to their offer to change the way minorities and ethnicity is managed. They  propose a move from “Bumiputera Supremacy”, or affirmative action for the approximately 65% of “Bumiputera” Malaysians (the rest being largely of Chinese or Indian ethnicity), to “The People’s Supremacy”, which involves eradicating affirmative action based on ethnicity, basing it instead on need, for  instance need due to poverty. This would potentially increase the likelihood  of justice and equality for all ethnic or racial groups. This paper connects the phenomenon of change, as seen in the about turn in the results between the  2004 and 2008 elections, to the more global trend in which minorities are standing up to demand their rights in this era of globalization, and to the challenge multiculturalism presents to parts of the Muslim world such as Malaysia. Malaysia, a Muslim majority nation that has formally declared Islam the official state religion with Yang di-Pertuan Agong (the King) as  Head of the State and symbol of Islam, is one example, though not necessarily  representative, of how Islam and Muslims manage minorities and identity or  multiculturalism within the process of globalization.
Between ICMI and NU: The Contested Representation of Muslim Civil Society in Indonesia, 1990-2001 Salim, Arskal
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 49, No 2 (2011)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2011.492.295-328

Abstract

This article discusses the concept of Muslim civil society in Indonesia by looking at differences in context between democratic and non-democratic regimes and by considering the diversity of Islamic interpretation of civil society and democracy. By looking at the dynamics within state-society relations and the process of democratisation, this article aims to clarify what kind of political actions correspond to the concept of civil society and help build a strong civil society in Indonesia in 1990s. Limiting its scope to the period from 1990 to 2001, the paper draws on two Muslim organisations (Nahdlatul Ulama and Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia) to explain why do Indonesian Muslims use the concept of civil society differently? How should Muslims perceive civil society vis-à-vis the state? Is it cooperation (participation) or opposition? Are both respective views equally legitimate? Given that Islamic doctrine may support the most varied of political outlooks, this study will point out that there is no single interpretation of the relationship between Islam and civil society or democracy. The article thus argues that differences between the two groups represent the diversity of Islamic interpretations of socio-political life.[Artikel ini membahas konsep “civil society” di Indonesia berdasarkan perbedaan konteks antara rejim demokratis dan otoriter serta menganalisis ragam interpretasi Islam mengenai civil society dan demokrasi. Melalui analisis dinamika hubungan rakyat-negara dan proses demokratisasi, artikel ini menjelaskan bentuk sikap politik yang sesuai dengan civil societydan mendorong terciptanya civil society yang kuat pada dekade 1990an di Indonesia. Diskusi dibatasi pada dua organisasi Muslim di Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (ICMI), dan hanya pada rentang 1990 hingga 2001. Pembatasan dilakukan guna menjawab mengapa Muslim di Indonesia menggunakan konsep civil society secara berbeda dan bagaimana mereka memandang bentuk relasi ideal antara negara-civil society; apakah kerjasama (partisipasi) ataukah oposisi? dan apakah kedua bentuk relasi tersebut sama-sama dapat dibenarkan?. Menyimak bahwa ajaran Islam dapat digunakan untuk mendukung berbagai pandangan politik, artikel ini menggarisbawahi bahwa interpretasi mengenai relasi Islam dan civil society/demokrasi adalah beragam. Karena itu, perbedaan antara NU dan ICMI dalam menterjemahkan konsep civil society merupakan cerminan perbedaan dan ragam interpretasi Islam terhadap kehidupan sosial-politik.]
Religion, Science, and Culture: An Integrated, Interconnected Paradigm of Science Abdullah, M. Amin
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 1 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.521.175-203

Abstract

Discussing the paradigm of dialogue and integration in the Islamic science of religion is important since the practice of religious education still applies the paradigm of conflict and independence. These paradigms have a great influence on the formation of socio-religious and cultural ways of thinking. The relationship between Islamic religiousc and natural, social, as well as cultural sciences, needs patterns of integrated, interconnected relations and dialogues. Islamic Studies requires a multidisciplinary approach, that is, interdisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity. Scientific linearity, in which science is narrowly defined and mono-disciplinary, will lead to an understanding of religion and religious interpretations that has no contact with and relevance to the context in which it is studied. New types of religious thought that encourage independent discussion and dialogue on the subjective, objective and intersubjective aspects of science and religion will create the emergence of a new type of religiosity in the multicultural era. All of this requires more effort to undertake a serious reconstruction of scientific methodologies and the methodologies of scientific studies of religion.[Penerapan paradigma dialog dan integrasi dalam ilmu-ilmu keislaman masih penting untuk didiskusikan mengingat praktik pendidikan agama masih menerapkan paradigm konflik dan independen. Paradigma-paradigma ini memiliki pengaruh yang besar dalam pembentukan cara pandang keagamaan, baik sosial maupun kultural. Hubungan antara ilmu-ilmu keislaman di satu sisi dengan ilmu-ilmu alam, sosial, dan budaya di sisi lain, memerlukan pola hubungan dan dialog yang terintegrasi-interkoneksi. Studi Islam mensyaratkan pendekatan multi disiplin, baik interdisipliner maupun transdisipliner. Linearitas keilmuan yang membatasi bidang ilmu secara sempit dan mono-disiplin akan menggiring pemahaman agama dan tafsir keagamaan yang tidak terkait dan tidak relevan dengan konteks pengkajian. Model baru pemikiran keagamaan yang mendorong dialog dan diskusi yang independen mengenai aspek-aspek subjektif, objektif, dan intersubjektif ilmu dan agama akan menciptakan munculnya model baru keberagamaan di era multicultural. Semua ini memerlukan lebih banyak upaya serius dalam merekonstruksi metodologi keilmuan dan metode-metode studi agama.]
Islam and Local Politics: In the Quest of Kyai, Politics, and Development in Kebumen, 2008-2010 Alfirdaus, Laila Kholid
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 51, No 2 (2013)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2013.512.279-309

Abstract

The involvement of kyai (religious teacher) in political affairs has become prominent after the Indonesia reformation. With his charismatic images and long-maintained religious authority, kyai has amount of capital to easily enroll his self into politics without significant barriers. This becomes more evidence in the Indonesian political sphere after the reformation as the number of kyais serving as leaders in bureaucracy is increasing. However, their inclusion in politics does not always lead to the birth of greater impact on public policy. During the leadership of kyai in the governmental body, Kebumen -as a case study discussed in this article- has experienced late development, indicated by lessening development in terms of public infrastructure and social services. [Keterlibatan kyai dalam politik muncul secara masif sejak bergulirnya reformasi. Dengan kharisma dan otoritas keagamaan, kyai memiliki modal penting untuk terjun dalam politik tanpa kendala berarti. Inilah yang menjadi sangat jelas terkait peran kyai dalam politik, utamanya dengan semakin banyaknya jumlah kyai yang menjabat sebagai pimpinan birokrasi. Sayangnya, keterlibatan mereka kerap tidak menyebabkan lahirnya kebijakan publik yang relevan. Pada masa pemerintahan kyai sebagai bupatinya, Kebumen -yang menjadi lokus tulisan ini- mengalami ketertinggalan dalam pembangunan. Ini setidaknya ditandai dengan semakin melemahnya infrastuktur publik dan pelayanan sosial.]
Membangun Fikih yang Berorientasi Sosial: Dialektika Fikih dengan Realitas Empirik Masyarakat Zubaedi, Z.
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 44, No 2 (2006)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2006.442.429-452

Abstract

The present article describes thoughts of what recently called as “social fiqh”, which its substance is an attempt to change qawly paradigm (namely following the sayings of scholars) to manhajy paradigm (following the methodology of scholars). The rise of such idea much concerns with formalistic and legalistic trends of common classical fiqh. The formalistic and legalistic approach to fiqh has encouraged people to manipulate the fiqh and make it separated from ethics as its philosophical base. As the consequence, fiqh becomes rigid and looses its power to provide society with truly effective rules. An epistemological remedy is necessary to break down the rigidity of fiqh and make it powerful to solve social problem.

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