Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
Articles
391 Documents
<![CDATA[Japan’s South China Sea Policy and Regional Subcomplex Expansion: Toward Free and Open Indo-Pacific ]]>
<![CDATA[Irsadanar, Rafyoga Jehan Pratama]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 2 (2020): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v9i2.8149
<![CDATA[This research aims to investigate Japan’s motivation to be involved in the South China Sea dispute despite Japan’s far distance from the conflicted area. Utilizing the qualitative research method, this research analyzes Japanese Government official documents and relevant literature to achieve the research objective. The research discovers that Japan’s main interest in the South China Sea is to articulate a safer maritime lane for the sake of its Free and Open Indo-Pacific agenda by balancing China’s assertiveness in the region. Employing a regional security complex framework, this research sees that Japan, by its presence in the South China Sea, tries to intensify the security interaction with Southeast Asian counterparts to expand the Northeast Asian regional subcomplex, aiming to strengthen the perception of China as a threat to Southeast Asian countries. The South China Sea involvement will fortify Japan’s security interlink with Southeast Asian counterparts, balancing China’s expansive trait in the maritime zone, accelerating Tokyo-initiated Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision.]]>
<![CDATA[The Effectiveness of ASEAN Cooperation in Marine Environmental Protection (MEP) in South China Sea (SCS) ]]>
<![CDATA[Suharman, Yoga]]>;
<![CDATA[Karo, Suratih Muhamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91164
<![CDATA[This research aims to examine ASEAN cooperation in responding to issues related to marine environmental security due to the exploration of resources in the South China Sea (SCS) region. This research analyze two aspects of environmental security, consist of (1) ASEAN’s collective role in maintaining environmental security and production in the SCS to realize environmental and human security, and (2) the effectiveness of ASEAN cooperation in responding to environmental problems in the SCS through international regime effectiveness theory developed by Arild Underdal. This study utilized a qualitative method by comparing the development of ASEAN MEP cooperation and problem-solving capacity before and after the Declaration for a Decade of Coastal and Marine Environmental Protection in the South China Sea containing institutional setting, power distribution, instrumental leadership, and collaboration level between ASEAN, the epistemic community, and behavioral changes. Data and information obtained from primary sources such as ASEAN official documents and secondary sources consisted of scientific journals and web articles. The findings indicate that ASEAN MEP cooperation has developed towards effectiveness but has not reached the optimum point in solving maritime problems in the SCS. ]]>
<![CDATA[Paradiplomacy Policies and Regional Autonomy in Indonesia and Korea ]]>
<![CDATA[Mukti, Takdir Ali]]>;
<![CDATA[Fathun, Laode Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad, Ali]]>;
<![CDATA[Sinambela, Stivani Ismawira]]>;
<![CDATA[Riyanto, Sugeng]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 2 (2020): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v9i2.8931
<![CDATA[This analysis focuses on the paradiplomatic policies in Indonesia and Korea. The two countries have similar characteristics, namely as unitary state systems, and enacted regional autonomy in the same era, 1998s. This qualitative research aims to examine paradiplomatic types in both countries and why the policies are rationalized. The findings revealed that although both countries are unitary states, paradiplomatic activism runs in different types. Provinces and cities in Indonesia face many restrictions and limitations by national regulations, while regional governments in Korea have more discretions and authorities to practice paradiplomacy around the world. The research finding also portrayed several provinces in Indonesia instrumentalizing paradiplomacy as instruments to provide international recognitions related to self-determination, and this similar fact is not met in Korea. This paper argues that the different types of paradiplomatic policies in both countries are influenced by domestic political conditions and typically influenced by the presence or absence of regional movements.]]>
<![CDATA[The Role of International Organization for Migration in Handling Human Trafficking in Sambas Regency, West Kalimantan Province ]]>
<![CDATA[Nugrahaningsih, Nurfitri]]>;
<![CDATA[Alunaza, Hardi]]>;
<![CDATA[Lutfie, Ratu Zahirah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91163
<![CDATA[Human trafficking becomes a central issue in the globalization era for being an epidemic in various countries. Cases of human trafficking have been rife for a long time in Indonesia, even in some areas such as East Nusa Tenggara, East Kalimantan, West Nusa Tenggara, and West Kalimantan, this phenomenon is vulnerable. West Kalimantan Province has ranked second highest in human trafficking cases in Indonesia, particularly in Sambas Regency, an area directly adjacent to Malaysia. This paper aimed to describe the role of IOM in tackling human trafficking cases in Sambas Regency, West Kalimantan. This study utilized a qualitative approach with descriptive writing patterns, and data sources were based on literature review and field studies through interviews with IOM and the local government of Sambas Regency. International organizations and institutional liberalism theories were employed to analyze the phenomenon. The results revealed that IOM performed its role and function by cooperating with the local government in conducting socialization and involving the government both vertically and horizontally. IOM also conducted reintegration and victim assistance. Moreover, IOM carried out discovery processes in economic and social terms. The existence of IOM can be the right partner for the government in dealing with human trafficking. Thereby, cooperation and support for the implementation of government policies can be established.]]>
<![CDATA[The Military Industrial Complex In a Developing Country: Lessons from the Republic of Turkey ]]>
<![CDATA[Wicaksono, Tresno]]>;
<![CDATA[Perwita, Anak Agung Banyu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91162
<![CDATA[Turkey is an example of a developing country concerns with the development of its defense industry. Since the early of its republican in 1923, there are many defense indusÂtry companies established, owned by both state and private sectors. Lately, Turkish defense industry development has shown significant progress by the capability to build its indigenous defense products such as tanks and ships with most local content. The current objective of the Turkish defense industry under Erdogan administrative is to establish a ‘full’ defense industry independency by 2023, precisely a hundred years of its republic age. To achieve the objective, Turkey has established its ‘defense industry structure’ similar to Eisenhower’s concept of ‘Military-Industrial Complex’. The synergy of stakeholders among the Turkish Military-Industrial Complex has led Turkey to progressively fulfill Erdogan’s objective of a ‘full’ military independency through the execution and success of its national defense projects. Therefore, by using the explanatory research method, the authors explain the existence of the Turkish Military-Industrial Complex from each role and synergy, bringing significant impacts to the state. This article argues that the development of the military industry in Turkey, covering a timeframe of 2011 to 2017, could provide valuable experiences and lessons for other developing countries to strengthen their national defense industry level.]]>
<![CDATA[Considering Local Integration for Refugees in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Olivia, Yessi]]>;
<![CDATA[Nizmi, Yusnarida Eka]]>;
<![CDATA[Jamaan, Ahmad]]>;
<![CDATA[Iskandar, Irwan]]>;
<![CDATA[Saeri, Mohammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Deanty, Haniva Sekar]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 2 (2020): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v9i2.10113
<![CDATA[This study discusses refugees who have been stranded in a transit country for years. These protracted refugees have to deal with a reality that the chance of getting resettlement in a third country has become slim, and the option of returning to their country of origin will only jeopardize their lives. Indonesia is not a state party to the 1951 Refugee Convention that lays a responsibility to assimilate refugees in the resettlement countries. Indonesia, however, has opened its door for refugees based on humanity’s solidarity and the fact that Indonesia’s legal framework on human rights acknowledges the right to seek asylum in other countries and abides by the non-refoulement principle. The situation has become problematic when the number of refugees coming to Indonesia has continued to increase, but Indonesia does not have a comprehensive refugee policy to support them. By looking at the case of refugees living in Pekanbaru, this study concludes that Indonesia should consider the local integration option as one of the viable solution to the protracted refugee situations in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Rohingya Refugee Crisis in Bangladesh: The Case of UNHCR’s Response ]]>
<![CDATA[Faruque, Taufiq -E-]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91160
<![CDATA[How does the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) respond to a sudden influx of a large number of refugees in a state rejecting the international legal standards on refugee protection? By applying a qualitative case study method, this article seeks to shed light on that question by focusing on the UNHCR’s response in the context of the Rohingya refugee influx to Bangladesh, a non-signatory state to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967. This article recognizes the existence regime complexity involving the international refugee regime and argues that Bangladesh has tried to challenge UNHCR’s involvement through authorizing the International Organization for Migration (IOM) to lead the international humanitarian response in the early days of the 2017-18 Rohingya refugee crisis. Furthermore, this article adopts challenged institutions as a framework to explore how the UNHCR responded to the challenge through a series of strategic maneuvers to uphold its mandate of providing “international protection†to the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. The main findings suggested that although UNHCR has been able to emerge as a leading stakeholder of the humanitarian response to the Rohingya refugee crisis, the existing operational context in Bangladesh still challenges the agency to uphold its mandate fully. Other findings include the fragmentation of authority in the international response coordination, increasing institutional competition, and lack of coordination between UNHCR and other major humanitarian agencies.]]>
<![CDATA[A Note for Indonesia’s Border Diplomacy in Tanjung Datu, West Kalimantan ]]>
<![CDATA[Rachmawati, Iva]]>;
<![CDATA[Dewi, Machya Astuti]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91158
<![CDATA[This article aims to propose a fundamental overhaul of the understanding of Indonesia’s border diplomacy, which has so far state-centric and only prioritizes the role of the central government. Despite being in the high politics issue, border diplomacy can no longer elitist practiced. Referring to several problems that arise at the practical and academic level, Indonesia’s border diplomacy is the time to expand diplomacy by considering other important actors, namely subnational actors and non-state actors. Not only at the provincial level, but sub-national actors to the lowest level in the border region also have a significant contribution to Indonesia’s border diplomacy, as well as non-state actors from academia. This article is the result of research based on a qualitative methodology using Personal Communication withs and documentation studies. The research discovered many essential notes, including firstly, the confusion of information in the Tanjung Datu issue in both Camar Bulan and Gosong Niger has harmed the bilateral relations between Indonesia and Malaysia. Second, independence in the practice of relations between two communities between countries showed that subnational actors have a vital influence on Indonesia-Malaysia bilateral relations.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia and The Criminalization of Illegal, Unregulated, and Unreported Fishing in The Global Level ]]>
<![CDATA[Ardhani, Irfan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 2 (2020): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v9i2.10374
<![CDATA[The staunch measures taken by President Joko Widodo’s administration in combating Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) Fishing has attracted considerable attention from academia. However, previous studies focused on analyzing law enforcement measures in terms of the sinking-vessel policy. Consequently, they failed to adequately comprehend how Indonesia deals with the problem by criminalizing IUU Fishing at the global level. This article attempts to fill such a gap. Employing the five stages of the historical evolution of a global prohibition regime, introduced by Andreas and Nadelmann (2006), this research investigated the progress of Indonesia’s campaign to criminalize IUU Fishing at the global level and identified some hurdles that Indonesia has to address in fostering the advancement of the criminalization campaign. This article discovered that Indonesia has arrived at the third stage of making the global prohibition regime of TOC in the fisheries industry and has to deal with the hurdles of argumentation weakness and disagreement from several countries.]]>
<![CDATA[Opportunities and Challenges of Socio-Cultural Cooperation in China’s Belt and Road Initiative in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Yuniarto, Rudolf]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 2 (2020): October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v9i2.8232
<![CDATA[In addition to developing international relations, trade and infrastructure financing, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) also includes efforts to build human relations and socio-cultural exchanges between China and other countries. Human relations and socio-cultural exchanges have not been widely discussed in previous China’s BRI studies, such as labor migration, tourism relations, education, and social and cultural exchanges. All sectors have the potential to further increase in the amount and larger scale of cooperation in the future. This paper examined the extent to which this cooperation has developed in Indonesia. Furthermore, what are the constraints, to what extent are the critical roles of human relations and socio-cultural exchanges, and what matters should be followed up to strengthen relations between Indonesia and China?]]>
