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INDONESIA
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
ISSN : 18295088     EISSN : 25033883     DOI : -
Core Subject : Science, Education,
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 391 Documents
Labour Migration from Indonesia to South Korea: Challenges in Maximizing Potentials Sylvia Yazid
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61106

Abstract

Analisa tentang mengapa seseorang bermigrasi untuk bekerja di negara lain umumnya dilakukan melalui pencarian dan pendeskripsian faktor-faktor “push” dan “pull” , di mana pendapatan rendah dan pengangguran yang tinggi menjadi faktor pendorong dan pendapatan tinggi dan pengangguran yang rendah menjadi faktor penarik. Ini dapat digunakan untuk menjelaskan alasan umum bagi migrasi tenaga kerja yang bersifat sementara namun tidak cukup untuk menjelaskan lebih lanjut mengapa seseorang memutuskan bermigrasi ke suatu negara dan bukan ke negara lainnya. Inilah yang dihadapi Indonesia dan Korea Selatan. Walaupun masih banyak orang yang mencari pekerjaan di Indonesia dan Korea Selatan masih membutuhkan pekerja asing, jumlah orang Indonesia yang bekerja di kategorikan kecil bila dibandingkan dengan jumlah di negara penerima lainnya di kawasan seperti Malaysia, Singapura, Hong Kong dan Thailand. Asumsinya terdapat sejumlah faktor yang menghalangi terwujudnya dampak maksimum dari faktor pendorong dan penarik ini. Tulisan ini menganalisa faktor-faktor penghambat tersebut, terutama terkait dengan tingginya persyaratan yang ditetapkan oleh Korea Selatan dan keterbatasan kemampuan untuk memenuhi persyaratan ini dari sisi Indonesia. Pemahaman tentang faktor-faktor penghambat ini akan dapat berkontribusi bagi upaya meningkatkan jumlah pekerja Indonesia di Korea Selatan, yang dapat dianggap sebagai negara yang cukup aman untuk tempat bekerja. An analysis of why people migrate to work in another country is commonly conducted through a listing and description of the push and pull factors, with low income and high unemployment being the push factors and high income and low unemployment being the pull factors. It can be used to explain in general the reasons for temporary labour migration but not to explain why people choose to migrate to a certain country, instead of the others. This is the case of South Korea and Indonesia. There is still a number of Indonesian workers seeking for employment abroad, and there is also a high demand for foreign workers in South Korea. However, the number of Indonesians working in South Korea can still be considered small if compared to the numbers of Indonesians working in other countries in the region, such as Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong and Taiwan. The assumption is that there are factors that hinder maximum impacts of this push and pull factors. This paper looked into these hindering factors which are mainly related to the high requirements from the South Korea side and the inability to fulfill the requirements from the Indonesia side. An understanding of these hindering factors may contribute to the efforts of increasing the number of Indonesians working in South Korea, which is considered as a reasonably safe country to work in.
Analisis Hubungan Sipil-Militer terhadap Perubahan Kebijakan Pertahanan Jepang di Tahun 2015 Fadilah, Edta Muhammad; Sudirman, Arfin
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.71123

Abstract

The change in defense policy that occurred during Shinzo Abe's reign in 2015 produced many pros and cons among the public. As a decision, it was not popular among civilians, either political elites or the public sphere because the administration made it in a hurry. Moreover, Japanese country was famous as a country with pacifism value after the Second World War. Therefore, the question arises as of why the decision was taken. This study uses the theory of Civil-Military Relations from Samuel Huntington to see whether there is a motive from the military to involve in the decision. Besides, this study also discusses military defense and professionalism of management in Japan to further illustrate the existence of military influence in the defense policy-making process and the political orientation of the Japanese military. The method used in this study is a qualitative research method. The author concludes that there was no interference by the Japanese army on the Japanese defense policy changes in 2015, but there was a scourge of civil-military relations in Japan which was initially a subjective civilian control into an objective civil­ian control.
Wacana Desentralisasi: Pengalaman Indonesia dan Cina Wonoadi, Grace Lestariana
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 1, No 1 (2012)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2012.0010.88-94

Abstract

This paper tries to make a comparison of decentralization policy which done by Indonesia and China. For big countries, areas which is far from the central government often led to the legitimacy crisis. Decentralization is one of effort to reduce the weight of central government responsibility. With considering the institutions valuation, comparative study of Indonesian and China Government in running decentralization are valued as quite significant.
Donald Trump’s Protectionist Trade Policy from the Perspective of Economic Nationalism Bimantara, Azza
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.72132

Abstract

This article aims to analyze American trade policy under Donald Trump’s administration. President Trump has imposed a set of tariffs and quotas for such imported agriculture and manufactured products. Such trade policies triggered many American trading partners, most notably China and NAFTA members, to take any retaliatory measures, starting trade war. Preliminary observation on this issue starts with two problematization. First, Trump’s trade policies failed to push his trade partners for their trade compliances despite of their higher relative export dependency on American market rather than on the contrary. Second, most of Trump’s “trade belligerents” are democratic countries; it is another anomaly for established assumption about democratic peace theory which has stated that structures and norms held by democratic countries prevent them to engage conflictual relations in both political-security and economy. Further research has found that competitive trade structure US Government faced at some traded commodities put American trade interests at stake against other conflicting countries. In order to protect such interest, President Trump must deliver restrictive measures—tariffs and quotas—in favor of domestic industries and market. Such behavior is justified by both President Trump’s view and tenet aboutthe construction of American nation and his political mobilization of popular far-right mass which also contribute to the discourse of contemporary American nationalism. The result is American economic nationalism which drives domestic political configuration to support President Trump’s political economic initiatives.
Globalisasi dan Rezim Demokrasi Poliarki: Kebijakan Integrasi Ekonomi Indonesia Winarno, Budi
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 3, No 1 (2014)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2014.0041.1-12

Abstract

Globalization on the one hand has reduced significantly the traditional roles of the state in the international level, while on the other hand it strengthened the positions of new transnational actors such as international organization, MNC, and society. At the domestic level, in many democratic nations, it changed the quality of democracy in which policies are no longer based on the interests of the people but to protect the penetration of global corporations. This article tries to explain, particularly in the case of Indonesia, how those decisions do not accommodate people as majority but only serve the interests of both local ruling elite and the transnational bourgeois. Democracy which ideally should be able to ensure the participation of the people in the decision making process apparently has been manipulated by a group of minority elites.
Karakteristik Pelaku Kejahatan Transnasional Terorganisasi di Indonesia dan Eropa Naseh, Muhammad; Ikhwanuddin, Ikhwanuddin; Ramadhani, Faizal; Kusprabandaru, Agung; Bathara, Beny
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 8, No 1 (2019)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.81144

Abstract

The revolution in information, communication, and transportation technology have connected many different parts of the world and make the distance nearly gone. This immense development is in parallel with the changing of transnational crime. This article offers a comparative study of organized-transnational crime in Indonesia and Europe, especially in the issues of human trafficking, money laundering, drugs smuggling, and terrorism. Based on the method from Klaus von Lampe, this article aims to see the similarities and differences between both countries by the characteristic and intensity of the crime. This article identifies the challenge related to logistic as a key to overcoming any infringement in the border area. Another finding is the transnational crime in both countries has similarities in modes of operation. In which most of the criminal activity in both countries take advantage of the weakness of geographic and demographic condition, and security faint. The actors are seeking situations which give the advantages of whether in economics or the opportunity to commit the criminal act itself.
Diplomatic Dilemma dan Standar Ganda Politik Amerika Serikat Terhadap Konflik Sipil-Militer Mesir Tahun 2013 Setiawan, Azhari
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 4, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2015.0067.67-77

Abstract

United States of America as the main actor—in many cases—of world politics constellation has done a number of double standard politics for preserving its certain national interest. For a century, Middle East has been one of the most focussed object for United States foreign policies. This research is aimed to explain United States diplomatic dilemma and double standard politics toward Egypt civil-military conflict and Morsi coup in 2013, which tries to answer why United States used double standard politics on Egypt case. United States never calls Egypt case as a coup and still continuing its foreign aid to Egypt’s new governement (military government). Researcher has formulated an answered-hypothesis which reveals the facts that United States double standard is caused by United States diplomatic dilemma. These diplomatic dilemmas also influenced by United States pragmatism on its Arab Spring foreign policy.
Local Community Participation in the Implementation of REDD+: The Case of Meru Betiri National Park Dirgantara, Pradipta
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 2 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v9i2.8168

Abstract

Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation Plus (REDD+)  in Meru Betiri National Park (MBNP) East Java – Indonesia, is considered an essential collaborative program between the Indonesian government, International Tropical Timber Organization (ITTO), and surrounding local communities to mitigate climate change and global warming. In its implementation, community participation plays a significant role because they are impacted directly by REDD+, as stated in the Cancun Agreement and Anchorage Declaration of Indigenous Peoples on Climate Change. Therefore, this research focuses on the participation level and how it contributes to the program. This research used the community participation theory from Choguill and benefited from using mixed methods with a single case strategy. Data were gathered through a questionnaire, a semi-structured interview, and a literature study. The results uncovered that the participation level reached conciliation with the least support of three rungs as a degree of participation. At this stage, the local community and government started to realize their interests by supporting each other. Even so, the government had control in enforcing the decision-making process that involved the community in REDD+. In the end, government and stakeholders at the local and national scales should accelerate community participation through law enforcement and full community involvement in implementing REDD+.
Welcome to ‘Indonesia’! Feminist Readings of “teach yourself Indonesian” Self-Learning Language Course1 Jauhola, Marjaana
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2013.0033.120-130

Abstract

Coinciding with the celebration of 80 years of Sumpah Pemuda 1928, this paper offers a feminist close reading of the “teach yourself Indonesian” self-learning language material. “Teach yourself Indonesian” offers for the English speaking world, ways to learn bahasa Indonesian, but it also offers ways to “discover” Indonesia and Indonesians. The close reading provided in this paper draws from the perspective that concepts, ideas and norms are constituted through reiteration in everyday social practices, such through repetition of the sixteen learning units of the “teach yourself Indonesian”. This paper aims to illustrate from the readings of the learning units, who are the “normalized” students of Indonesian language, and who, on the other hand, Indonesians and Indonesia with whom the students will interact, with a particular focus on constructs and boundaries of gender norms. Paper also briefly reflects the “forgotten” events of May 1998, that form an important part of the authors process of learning Indonesia(n).
Diplomasi Bencana Alam sebagai Saran Meningkatkan Kerjasama Internasional Herningtyas, Ratih; Surwandono, Surwandono
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 3, No 2 (2015)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2014.0060.181-188

Abstract

This paper aims to examine how the issue of disasters in Indonesia can be modified into a positive social capital to solve social, economic, political and social culture’s problems in disaster prone areas. Indonesia is very vulnerable to natural disasters. Some of the latest and most destructive natural disasters are the earthquake followed by tsunami that hit Aceh Indonesia on 2004, earthquake hit Yogyakarta and Central Java earthquake on 2006 and volcanic eruption of Mount Merapi Yogyakarta and Central Java 2011. Using qualitative approach, this paper found that Indonesia’s disaster managements get worldwide recognition and increases Indonesia’s competitiveness toward other countries. These recognitions become the sources of Indonesia’s soft power, and can be used as a strategic instrument to build international cooperation and collaboration.