Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
Articles
391 Documents
<![CDATA[Considering Local Integration for Refugees in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Yessi Olivia]]>;
<![CDATA[Yusnarida Eka Nizmi]]>;
<![CDATA[Ahmad Jamaan]]>;
<![CDATA[Irwan Iskandar]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohammad Saeri]]>;
<![CDATA[Haniva Sekar Deanty]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v9i2.10113
<![CDATA[This study discusses refugees who have been stranded in a transit country for years. These protracted refugees have to deal with a reality that the chance of getting resettlement in a third country has become slim, and the option of returning to their country of origin will only jeopardize their lives. Indonesia is not a state party to the 1951 Refugee Convention that lays a responsibility to assimilate refugees in the resettlement countries. Indonesia, however, has opened its door for refugees based on humanity’s solidarity and the fact that Indonesia’s legal framework on human rights acknowledges the right to seek asylum in other countries and abides by the non-refoulement principle. The situation has become problematic when the number of refugees coming to Indonesia has continued to increase, but Indonesia does not have a comprehensive refugee policy to support them. By looking at the case of refugees living in Pekanbaru, this study concludes that Indonesia should consider the local integration option as one of the viable solution to the protracted refugee situations in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[The Arab Spring 2010: Puncak Gunung Es Krisis Politik di Kawasan Timur Tengah ]]>
<![CDATA[Sidik Jatmika]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 2 (2014) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2013.0037.157-166
<![CDATA[Since 2010, number of political uprisings took place in the Arab countries which so called The Arab Spring (at-Thawrât al-‘Arabiyyah). The fall of regimes such as in Tunis, Egypt, and Libya, following the massive resistance of people was actually reflect the crisis of legitimacy and the weakness of authority of many political leaders in the region. Moreover, the loyalty of many people in the Arab countries to their leaders was also problematic decision when it has to deal with their primordial affiliations such as ashabiyah, wathanniyah, qaummiyah and ummah. The Arab Spring is a very important political movement which taught us lessons that both leadership and national character building are unfinished and will never be end as a process. This phenomenon also emphasized the importance of political system to be adaptive to the dynamic of domestic political situation and international atmosphere as well. The failure to adapt towards such conditions will causes to the fall of the ruling power.]]>
<![CDATA[The Arab Spring: Membaca Kronologi dan Faktor Penyebabnya ]]>
<![CDATA[Ahmad Sahide]]>;
<![CDATA[Syamsul Hadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Siti Muti’ah Setiawati]]>;
<![CDATA[Bambang Cipto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 4, No 2 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2015.0072.118-129
<![CDATA[The Arab States has faced political turbulence since January 0f 2011. This political event began by suicide action from a youth named Mohammed Bouazizi (Tunisia)until it spread to the other states such as Egypt, Syria, and the like. The political event became the beginning of the people power to fight against dictator regime in most of the Arab States. The rise of the people power succeeded to end the power of some tyrannical regimes, beginning from Tunisia, Zein Al-Abidin Ben Ali, followed by the end of Mubarak’s regime in Egypt, Syria still having political turbulence until now in order to overthrow Bashar al-Assad’s regime, and some other Arab States which can’t be irrespective from the political turbulence. This political event is called “The Arab Spring”, that is the coming of the hope for the better life with a democratic system. This writing tries to discuss chronology of that event and also tries to find out factors becoming cause of the political turbulence.]]>
<![CDATA[Rasionalitas Indonesia dalam Pengimplementasian “40+9 Rekomendasi” FATF ]]>
<![CDATA[Sheiffi Puspapertiwi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0089.100-112
<![CDATA[Global anti-money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT) regime set up by G7 countries in 1989 had established a nontreaty yet significantly influencing standard setter body named Financial Action Task Force (FATF). Regime norms codified by FATF in “40+9 Recommendations”, hand in hand with “Non-cooperative Countries and Territories (NCCTs)” list have become two most powerful instruments in enforcing international AML/CFT regime, not only for member but also non member countries, including Indonesia. This study is aimed to explore the reasons behind Indonesia’s decision to adopt and thus implement “40+9 Recommendations”. Using power-based regime approach and the economic sanction theory, this research finds that the said decision is a result of rational calculation, considering both international and domestic dynamics. On international side, there are global financial hegemon countries as FATF members behind “40+9 Recommendations” who can act unilaterally to foster and enforce its global implementation. On the domestic side, its implementation can provide a basis for good financial governance, a much needed foundation to build anti-corruption and anti-terrorism national regime.]]>
<![CDATA[BREXIT: Pelajaran bagi ASEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Bima Jon Nanda]]>;
<![CDATA[Inda Mustika Permata]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.61104
<![CDATA[This paper discusses the Brexit phenomenon and lessons can be learned for ASEAN regional cooperation. Brexit or Britain Exit is the phenomenon when Britain ceased being a member of the European Union (EU). The main reason for British escape from the EU through referendum is immigrant issues. Besides, they are not too well informed about the EU and only see the negative impact of the EU on the UK. The conditions faced by the UK are essentially driven by single European market policy. So the flow of capital, goods, services, and workers can move freely in the EU member states. ASEAN has reached the similar level of integration through the AEC in 2015, therefore ASEAN should take lessons from the Brexit phenomenon since the same thing might happen to ASEAN. Knowledge or information of a regional cooperation is important to note for the ASEAN society to create mutual understanding among ASEAN community. Ignorance will result in fear and prejudice against particular policies of a regional cooperation. Tulisan ini membahas fenomena Brexit dan pelajaran yang bisa diambil oleh kerja sama regional ASEAN. Brexit atau Britain Exit merupakan fenomena keluarnya Inggris dari keanggotaan Uni Eropa. Isu imigran menjadi alasan utama masyarakat Inggris melakukan referendum untuk keluar dari Uni Eropa. Namun faktanya, warga Inggris sendiri tidak terlalu mengetahui apa itu Uni Eropa dan pendapat masyarakat Inggris justru melihat Uni Eropa membawa dampak negatif pada Inggris. Kondisi yang dihadapi Inggris pada dasarnya dipicu kebijakan single market sehingga arus modal, barang, jasa, dan pekerja dapat dengan bebas bergerak di negara-negara anggota Uni Eropa. ASEAN pada tahun 2015 mencapai tingkat integrasi yang hampir sama melalui ASEAN Economic Community, ASEAN harus dapat mengambil pelajaran dari fenomena Brexit bahwa hal yang sama mungkin terjadi di ASEAN. Pengetahuan atau informasi dari suatu kerja sama regional penting untuk diketahui bagi masyarakat di regional tersebut. Ketidaktahuan akan berakibat pada ketakutan dan prasangka terhadap kebijakan tertentu dari suatu kerja sama regional. ASEAN bisa saja menghadapi hal yang sama melalui AEC, sehingga Brexit memberikan pelajaran dan beberapa catatan bagi kerja sama regional ASEAN, tentang pentingnya pengetahuan terkait ASEAN kepada masyarakat ASEAN itu sendiri.]]>
<![CDATA[Playing with Words: The Securitization Construction of “Refugee” in ASEAN Politics ]]>
<![CDATA[Irawan Jati]]>;
<![CDATA[Emily Sunderland]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.62119
<![CDATA[ASEAN is playing with words among migrant, immigrants, asylum seekers, trafficked people and smuggled people terms to describe the enormous forced human movement from Myanmar. These terms are the representation of ASEAN’S securitization of humanitarian issues. It is unfortunate to see ASEAN unwillingness to entitle the term refugee where all of the necessary aspects are fulfilled. ASEAN has taken a very cautious political linguistic measure by evading the word “refugee” in their political dictionary. This article would like to examine the questions: why and how ASEAN securitized the refugee issue? And what are the political consequences for ASEAN if it keeps standing on its securitization policy? The discussion of this paper will be presented in Constructivist perspective approach. It argues that the construction of refugee in ASEAN is greatly influenced by its values that construct its collective security. In this respect, ASEAN is neglecting its role and identity as the defender of human rights in the region. Consequently, ASEAN’s refusal to comply with the international human rights regime will result in the organization in losing credibility and integrity. ]]>
<![CDATA[Memahami Persoalan Palestina-Israel dari Perspektif Islam ]]>
<![CDATA[Suswanta Suswanta]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 1, No 1 (2012) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2012.0008.70-75
<![CDATA[The difficulty in reconciling the Palestine and Israel conflict was because of political-ideology claims and theological claims. Theological claims in the conflict are very subjective and not easy to be solved by formal and structural diplomacy. The approach in theological side is the most dangerous engineered by Israel to occupy Palestine land. The effort to dismantle the engineering and imagination about the promised land as the form of scripture politicization still needs to be done until those facts become wider public discourse.]]>
<![CDATA[The Implication of Indonesia’s IUU Fishing Policy in Natuna Territorial Waters towards South China Sea Geopolitics ]]>
<![CDATA[Silvia Dian Anggraini]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>;
<![CDATA[Iqbal Ramadhan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72130
<![CDATA[The agenda of Jokowi’s administration demands a strong measure to protect maritime security and sovereignty of Indonesia; especially its national sovereignty and maritime security in the vast boundary of Indonesian territorial waters. However, the implementation faces challenges related to violations of sovereignty in the territorial waters. One of them was due to the rampant illegal fishing activities that threaten the sufficiency of the fish stock. Exposed to such threat, Indonesia’s commitment to secure its maritime sovereignty was strongly projected by the emergence of a ‘Sink the Vessels’ policy by the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries (KKP), chaired by Susi Pudjiastuti since 2014. In the context of the South China Sea polemics which shows the relationship with the territorial waters of Indonesia in Natuna, the policy has significant implication to the South China Sea maritime geopolitics. The question is what the implications of the ‘Sink the Vessels’ policy toward maritime geopolitics in the South China Sea. Using structuration and geopolitics approaches, this article argues that Indonesia’s IUU Fishing policy enhances the complexity of maritime security in the South China Sea which ultimately leads to the strengthening of political realism behaviour among countries whom potential to conflict with Indonesia in the context of IUU Fishing in Natuna waters.]]>
<![CDATA[Tipologi Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia Di Era Reformasi ]]>
<![CDATA[Bambang Wahyu Nugroho]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 1 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2013.0029.75-82
<![CDATA[In the limited capacity of post-independence economic and military, various implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policies also be welcomed and got strong support from the power of the masses. But in the course of history, due to elitism in the Soeharto era, made foreign policy to be elitisized. Influence from people muted. The policies were run almost personally by President Suharto so that Indonesia’s foreign policy became uninstitutionalized. The changes of political system in the Reformasi era (reforms) since the fall of President Suharto created opportunities to reformulate and to institutionalize Indonesia’s foreign policy. Meanwhile, during the first decade of Reform era in Indonesia (1998-2008) world political scene has undergone many changes and dynamics that presents opportunities and challenges toward Indonesia’s foreign policy, particularly the transformation of economic globalization and international issues. Ambiguity of Indonesia’s foreign policy profile at the beginning of the Reformasi era became an intellectual challenge, namely how to explain the “profile” that often be simplified as just “no-profile”. Reforms provides an opportunity to the spirit of populism to back in, however the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy sometimes seems elitist. It’s a challenge for scientific analysis. Therefore, this work also specifically describes the factors forming the profile of implementation of RI’s foreign policy in the era of the Reform.]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Sawit Uni Eropa dan Tantangan bagi Diplomasi Ekonomi Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Windratmo Suwarno]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 8, No 1 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.81150
<![CDATA[Palm oil industry in Indonesia is currently facing a major challenge which began with the European Union Parliamentary Resolution on Palm Oil and Deforestation of Rainforest. Later, the European Commission ratifying the Delegated Regulation No. C (2019) 2055 Final on High and Low ILUC Risk Criteria on Biofuels. It was accused as a form of discrimination against palm oil and contained political motives as well as business competition considering the Indonesia's palm oil products are in accordance with international regulations and sustainable development goals. Therefore, a strategy for palm oil diplomacy is needed to counter this discrimination. For this reasons, Indonesian diplomacy need to provide an explanation to stakeholders in Europen Union and to carry out a regional and multilateral economic diplomacy. This paper will use qualitative methods to describe Indonesia's economic diplomacy in facing the European Union's efforts to reduce palm oil imports.]]>
