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<![CDATA[INTERNATIONALIZATION OF ISLAM RAHMATAN LIL 'ALAMIN THROUGH PENGURUS CABANG ISTIMEWA NAHDLATUL ULAMA (PCINU): MOTIVATION AND CONTRIBUTION ]]>
<![CDATA[Purwono, Andi]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 8 No 2 (2020): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v8i2a3
<![CDATA[Sebagai organisasi keagamaan terbesar, Nahdlatul Ulama memiliki peran internasional bahkan sejak awal pendiriannya. Salah satu peran itu diwujudkan melalui pembentukan Pengurus Cabang Istimewa di luar negeri. Artikel ini bertujuan menjelaskan alasan pendiriannya serta mendeskripsikan aktivitas dan kontribusinya bagi dunia maupun politik luar negeri Indonesia. Penelitian kualitatif ini menggunakan metode pengumpulan data studi pustaka ditambah wawancara. Penelitian menemukan bahwa motivasi ideasional terkait keterpanggilan untuk menyebarkan ajaran Islam rahmatan lil ‘alamin menjadi alasan pendirian. Aktivitas menjelaskan wajah Islam sebenarnya yang memberi kontribusi positif baik dalam kerangka hubungan Islam dan Barat maupun bagi politik luar negeri Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[DINASTI POLITIK: BASIS POLITIK DAN KEPUASAN PUBLIK ]]>
<![CDATA[Haliim, Wimmy]]>;
<![CDATA[Hakim, Andy Ilman]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 8 No 2 (2020): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v8i2a4
<![CDATA[The opening of political access in a country that was going through a period of democratic transition gave rise to "little kings" through the practice of political dynasties in some regions. They fill the local political space by restructuring patronage networks and strengthening their social, economic and political bases in order to maintain their power. This kind of dynastic political practice generates negative sentiments towards the performance of the bureaucracy as the public policy tend to be beneficial for a particular political family. The research focuses on the impact of the Sutrisno family's political dynasty through the bureaucracy on the level of community satisfaction towards the performance and achievements of their programs. Given the impact of the Sutrisno family's dynastic political practices, some of them show an anomaly. The findings illustrate the high level of public satisfaction with the performance of the bureaucracy in the health, education, and economy sectors. Apart from the fact that the Sutrisno family dynasty was politically established and had consequences for control of the bureaucracy, the social base of the Sutrisno family network also played an important role in increasing public acceptance of bureaucratic work programs in various fields.]]>
<![CDATA[OLIGARKI DI INDONESIA: RELASI KAPITAL YANG DOMINAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Sunardi, Sunardi]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 8 No 2 (2020): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v8i2a7
<![CDATA[Abdis Mughis Mudhoffir dan Coen Husain Pontoh (Ed). Oligarki: Teori dan Kritik. Tangerang Selatan: Markin Kiri, 2020. Cetakan: I. Halaman: xxiv+291. ISBN: 978-979-1260-95-4.]]>
<![CDATA[MENGAPA PARTAI ISLAM BELUM PERNAH MENANG?: PATH DEPENDENCE REPETITION KEKALAHAN PARTAI ISLAM INDONESIA DALAM PEMILU LEGISLATIF 1955 HINGGA 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Riyanto, Agus]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 8 No 2 (2020): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v8i2a1
<![CDATA[Sociologically, Indonesia is a country with the largest Muslim population in the world, however no Islamic party has ever won the legislative electoral since the Old Order. There are limited research which link the defeat of Islamic parties with their own history as a context. This study uses the perspective of historical institutionalism, particularly the analysis of path dependencies and critical junctures to analyze the defeat of Indonesian Islamic parties by linking the past political decisions in a critical junctures framework. This study has two main findings. First, the defeat of Indonesian Islamic parties during 1955 to 2019 elections was the result of a causal mechanism which was related to political decisions in moments of critical junctures. The mechanism had a significant effect on the path of development of Islamic parties and led to the outcome of defeat. Second, the defeat of the Indonesian Islamic party indicates a path of dependence repetition which includes three process dependence paths triggered by three critical moments in the form of political decisions of party agents. Each resulted in a series of causal follow-up events in the aftermath of critical juncture, which were the process of reactive sequences, reinforcement or self-reinforcing sequences, as well as reinforcement or self-reinforcing sequences and reactive sequences, and put Islamic parties on a certain development path towards the final outcome of the legislative election defeat. ]]>
<![CDATA[ANALISIS BIOPOLITIK DAN KONTROL POPULASI PENDUDUK MELALUI PROGRAM KELUARGA BERENCANA DI KOTA SAMARINDA ]]>
<![CDATA[Syahrin, Muhammad Najeri Al]]>;
<![CDATA[Al Farauqi, Mochamad Dziqie Aulia]]>;
<![CDATA[Jamal, Sri Wahyuni]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 8 No 2 (2020): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v8i2a5
<![CDATA[The population has increased dramatically in recent years, including in Samarinda, East Kalimantan. Ironically, the large population is not supported by the quality of life. This problem makes the government strive to discipline the community in a nonviolent way through the Keluarga Berencana (KB) program. These efforts are manifested in the policy mechanism which links the health science and political social aspects (biopolitics). The effort to control the population is not only because of the health policy’s interest but also as a political-strategic policy. The purpose of this study is providing an analysis of Keluarga Berencana program as the strategy to overcome the health issues and as the implementation of biopolitics. This research uses quantitative methods using document-based literature studies and interviews. In Samarinda, the government has synergized policies and budgets at all level of government, in the form of activities and programs for the establishment of Keluarga Berencana village, decreased the fertility rate, increased number of contraceptive prevalence rate, cooperation and coordination with the Provincial BKKBN and the ministry of health, as well as increasing the quality and quantity of PLKB/PKB, involving Babinsa Koramil and providing free Keluarga Berencana program activities. These activities is an implementation of biopolitical policy to control the population. If there is an imbalance between the population and the burden and ability of the state, then the country will slowly go to the more complex social problems.]]>
<![CDATA[STRATEGI GERAKAN PENERAPAN SYARIAT ISLAM FRONT PEMBELA ISLAM DI MOJOKERTO ]]>
<![CDATA[Mujibuddin, Mujibuddin]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a1
<![CDATA[This study aims to analyze the movement for the application of Islamic law by the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) in Mojokerto. Mojokerto is a city with strong NU tradition roots as NU Mojokerto is one of the largest Islamic organizations in this city. So far, NU Mojokerto has never carried out acts of violence in the name of religion. However, the strong tradition of NU does not guarantee the development of radical issues in Mojokerto. This study tries to analyze the strategy of mass networking as well as its efforts in implementing Islamic law in Mojokerto. This research is a field study that uses political opportunity theory to analyze the movement. Based on the research, the author found that there were two strategies undertaken by FPI to implement Islamic law in Mojokerto. First, FPI uses democracy to support candidate leaders who are on the same mission as them. In addition, FPI also encourages society to choose a leader who supports the implementation of Islamic law. Secondly, FPI takes an action in doing the raid in particular places around the city. The political opportunities that have opened since the reformation era have made it easier for FPI to mobilize the masses, FPI has the freedom to express its opinion in various actions.]]>
<![CDATA[YOUTUBE: SEBUAH KAJIAN DEMOKRATISASI INFORMASI DAN HIBURAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Alamsyah, Anggriani]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a6
<![CDATA[This paper aims to describe the position of mainstream audio-visual media which has been replaced by a digital platform, Youtube. YouTube has produced some famous people who have been 'untouched' by the mainstream media. The author obtained data and information from YouTube channels, literature and online news. In analyzing this phenomenon, the author uses three concepts: power, the democratization of information, and social media. The author concludes that this platform provides space for anyone to express and get advantages from democratizing information and entertainment. The control of information and entertainment is no longer in the hands of big media corporations but belongs to people like Andovi Da Lopez, Nessie Judge, Hansol, Budi “Epenkah Cupentoh” or even Jeromee who had never appeared on TV screens before.]]>
<![CDATA[PENCALONAN KEPALA DAERAH PADA PEMILIHAN SERENTAK 2020 DI SULAWESI SELATAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Jurdi, Syarifuddin]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a2
<![CDATA[The concurrent election 2020 in South Sulawesi faced dynamic circumstances as the pairs of candidates must fill the requirements when registering themselves. During the process of regional election, some cases happened in some regions in South Sulawesi. As an example, some candidates in some regions might lose support from the political parties in the middle of the election process as the support from the political party is unstable. On the other hand, special cases happened in two districts (Gowa and Soppeng), where there was only one single candidate for each region. Hence the struggle to get the support of a political party did not occur in both areas. In another region, Selayar, the individual candidate who has already fulfilled the minimum requirement still seeks support from political parties. All candidates tend to register themselves as fast as possible to prevent the failure in registration stage. Another case shows that there was a pair of candidates who failed to be a partner because they were tested positive for narcotics use, while two candidate pairs experienced a delay in registration because they were positive for Covid-19 and the had to wait until they were tested negative for Covid-19 before continuing to the medical check-up stage.]]>
<![CDATA[HUBUNGAN KONTEMPORER MALAYSIA–INDONESIA: TAHAP PENGETAHUAN DAN PEMAHAMAN GEN X DAN Y MALAYSIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Ghani, Rohani Hj. Ab]]>;
<![CDATA[Hamid, Ahmad Shukri bin Abdul]]>;
<![CDATA[Paidi, Zulhilmi bin]]>;
<![CDATA[Ratakrishnan, Mohan A/L]]>;
<![CDATA[Mamat, Rashidah binti]]>;
<![CDATA[Yeyeng, Andi Tenri]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a8
<![CDATA[Looking at the relations between Malaysia-Indonesia, it could be seen that society has the power to direct the bilateral relations between two countries. In comparison, Indonesian society is more responsive than Malaysian society in responding to particular issues related to both countries. The most active group is generally from the younger generation known as Generation Y (Gen Y) where their reactions tend to be provocative. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the knowledge and perceptions of Gen Y and Gen X at Universiti Utara Malaysia (UUM) on the Malaysia-Indonesia bilateral relationship and the factors that influence their knowledge and perception. This paper uses quantitative and qualitative methods. The results of the study showed that respondents accepted Indonesia as an important neighbor because of the current state's interests. The cultural and social aspects, particularly audio-visual products such as Indonesian soap operas and Indonesian pop songs have the most significant influence in influencing the respondents' level of knowledge about Indonesia. In addition, they also get a lot of information about Indonesia through electronic media. An important finding from this study is that all respondents acknowledge that Indonesia is still relevant as Malaysia's closest neighbor based on the similarity factor and those good relations between the two countries need to be maintained.]]>
<![CDATA[PENDIDIKAN KEWARGANEGARAAN DAN PEMBENTUKAN PREFERENSI POLITIK AWAL PEMILIH PEMULA ]]>
<![CDATA[Tamma, Sukri]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a3
<![CDATA[This paper aims to show the important role of civic education in influencing the early political preferences of novice voters. Political preference is one of the important aspects for someone to be able to participate properly in a democratic system. Based on certain political preferences, a person will have reasons and foundations for his behavior and political choices, including novice voters. Therefore, an understanding of the aspects of its formation becomes an important aspect to be understood before being directly involved in political elections. Based on qualitative research conducted in Makassar City in 2020 on novice voters who are high school students, it was found that the formation of their initial political preferences was not only influenced by parental preferences but also through civic education courses at schools. The course which consists of standards and social values in behaving as citizens has given them an initial understanding of the importance of placing themselves well in the political space. This makes civic education space for socialization as well as political education for novice voters. This understanding then becomes the basis for developing their understanding of politics and how they should behave as good citizens in a democratic system.]]>
