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<![CDATA[POLITISASI MASJID PERSPEKTIF FIQH SIYASAH: STUDI TERHADAP TAKMIR MASJID DI KOTA SURABAYA ]]>
<![CDATA[Makmun, Moh]]>;
<![CDATA[Huda, Mahmud]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 7 No 1 (2019): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v7i1a5
<![CDATA[Artikel ini bertujuan mengetahui pandangan takmir masjid di Kota Surabaya tentang politisasi masjid, langkah takmir masjid menangkal politisasi masjid, dan politisasi masjid perspektif Fiqh Siyasah. Penelitian ini bermanfaat bagi pengambil kebijakan dalam rangka mengantisipasi meluasnya politisasi masjid, dan menjadi pedoman takmir masjid dalam mengelola dan memfungsikan masjid. Jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian lapangan (field research) dengan pendekatan komparatif (comparative approach). Proses analisis data dengan cara reduksi data, display data dan penarikan kesimpulan atau verifikasi. Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan, politisasi masjid adalah menjadikan masjid sebagai tempat untuk kepentingan politik praktis, baik berupa ajakan untuk memilih seseorang atau menjelekkan orang lain yang sedang mengikuti kontestasi Pemilihan Umum. Takmir masjid di Kota Surabaya menolak adanya politisasi masjid karena dianggap tidak sesuai dengan peran dan fungsi masjid serta dapat menyebabkan perpecahan umat. Strategi menangkal politisasi masjid adalah: 1). Membuat visi dan misi masjid. 2). Independen dari mazhab fiqh. 3). Independen dari politik praktis dan kepartaian. 4). Selektif memilih calon penceramah dan Khatib. 5). Membuat aturan isi ceramah dan Khutbah. 6). Memperbanyak kegiatan masjid. 7). Melakukan evaluasi kinerja takmir. 8). Partisipasi jama’ah masjid dalam kontrol dan evaluasi kegiatan. Politisasi masjid hukumnya haram, karena banyak menimbulkan kemafsadatan dan kemadharatan, seperti perpecahan umat dan banyaknya ujaran kebencian.]]>
<![CDATA[PERAN MANTAN KOMBATAN GAM DALAM SEKTOR EKONOMI PASCA KONFLIK ]]>
<![CDATA[Hajad, Vellayati]]>;
<![CDATA[., Ikhsan]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 7 No 1 (2019): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v7i1a3
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini berbicara tentang peran mantan kombatan GAM di sektor ekonomi politik pasca konflik Aceh (2005-2018). Mantan kombatan GAM adalah aktor ekonomi baru dalam sektor kontruksi di Aceh. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus untuk melihat aktivitas mantan kombatan GAM di sektor ekonomi terutama di sektor bisnis kontruksi di Aceh. Narasumber penelitian ini adalah pengusaha kontruksi, pemerintah, dan tokoh masyarakat di Aceh. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa mantan kombatan GAM dapat kesempatan ekonomi setelah konflik Aceh dengan menjadi rent seeker dari proyek pemerintah. Mereka bekerja dengan menggunakan jaringan GAM untuk mendapatkan sumber ekonomi melalui lobi, negosiasi, dan bahkan intimidasi untuk memenangkan tender dan mendapatkan proyek dari pemerintah. Penelitian ini berkontribusi pada studi perilaku rent seeking terutama berkaitan dengan kehadiran dan peningkatan jumlah aktor ekonomi baru dari mantan kombatan GAM sebagai hasil dari konflik Aceh.]]>
<![CDATA[KRITIK PEMBANGUNAN DESA DARI LUAR: DESA DAN PROYEK PERTAMBANGAN SKALA BESAR ]]>
<![CDATA[Ardianto, Hendra Try]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 7 No 1 (2019): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v7i1a2
<![CDATA[“Pembangunan dari luar” yang ditawarkan dalam skala besar tidak selalu bisa membantu masyarakat pedesaan untuk lebih sejahtera. Pasalnya, pembangunan dari luar sebagaimana dalam bentuk pendirian pabrik semen cukup beresiko karena mengandung beberapa bias. Adapun bias tersebut bisa berupa bias keruangan, bias kelompok sasaran, bias proyek, bias kawasan pertanian, bias diplomatis, dan bias profesional. Untuk itu, tulisan ini menekankan ide “pembangunan dari dalam” menjadi penting. Tulisan ini meneliti praktik pembangunan di Rembang dan Pati dalam kasus pendirian industri semen dengan melihat bagaimana bias pembangunan berlangsung dalam sebuah proyek skala besar. Penelitian ini dikerjakan melalui observasi langsung dan wawancara mendalam pada 2017 dan 2018. Tulisan ini berargumen bahwa bias-bias pembangunan dapat mendatangkan resiko bergesernya tujuan pembangunan, yang semula untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan masyarakat desa menjadi sekadar eksploitasi sumber daya alam di desa. Ini menegaskan bahwa inisiatif pembangunan dari dalam menjadi penting untuk dipertimbangkan.]]>
<![CDATA[PERGUMULAN ISLAM DAN POLITIK DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Wahid, Abduh]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 7 No 1 (2019): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v7i1a7
<![CDATA[Hubungan agama dan politik telah lama diperdebatkan. Bagi pandangan Integralistik memahami bahwa agama dan politik adalah satu kesatuan yang tidak dapat dipisahkan, namun bagi pandangan sekularisme memahami bahwa agama bersifat teologis dan privat sementara itu politik murni berbicara keduniawian. Perdebatan ini juga merangsek masuk dalam diskursus keislaman dan politik di Indonesia. Sejarah perjalanan politik Indonesia menunjukkan sebuah pergumulan yang sangat panjang dan variatif. Kenyataan tersebut, dapat dilihat sejak masa kesultanan, masa penjajahan, dan masa kemerdekaan dengan berbagai gerakan politik yang mewarnai masa-masa tertentu. Visi politik yang disodorkan paling tidak ada tiga model, yaitu: 1) Islam sebagai kultur politik, di mana simbol-simbol yang tidak terdapat dalam doktrin, tetapi diwariskan dari generasi terdahulu, 2) Islam sebagai etika politik di mana nilai-nilai etika yang terdapat dalam doktrin, dan 3) Islam sebagai ideologi politik, di mana Islam diperjuangkan menjadi dasar negara atau setidak-tidaknya syari’at Islam diakui oleh negara meskipun hanya berlaku bagi pemeluknya.]]>
<![CDATA[PARADOKS PENERAPAN GOOD GOVERNANCE DI INDONESIA: SUATU TINJAUAN KRITIS MP3EI ]]>
<![CDATA[Rivai, Aspin Nur Arifin]]>;
<![CDATA[Bastari, Gema Ramadhan]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 7 No 2 (2019): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v7i2a2
<![CDATA[This paper explained how harmful the implementation of good governance has been to the well-being of Indonesian people. The concept of good governance starts as a prescription from international finance institution to fix the economic condition of developing state and bring them towards prosperity. On recent developments, good governance has instead become an instrument of control to dictate the policy-making of developing state. This paper argued that good governance actually represents neoliberalism agenda which seeks to engineer the economic landscape of a certain country so it can be more compatible to the needs of global market. This would be proven by problematizing the concept of good governance as well as analysis on the definition of good governance provided by five of its main proponents: UN, UNDP, IMF, World Bank and OECD. Further evidence will be shown through case study in the implementation of Masterplan for Acceleration and Expansion of Indonesia’s Economic Development (MP3EI) which was made in the name of commitment to good governance principle. This paper found that the implementation MP3EI was only advantageous for businessmen and big corporates but tormenting the people of Indonesia. This was a paradox since good governance which is supposed to make a prosperous state instead tormenting the people that should be the state’s main constituent.]]>
<![CDATA[KLAN POLITIK: STUDI TENTANG RIVALITAS CALEG KELUARGA PADJALANGI DAN HALID PADA PEMILU SERENTAK 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Riswandi, Riswandi]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurdin, Reskiyanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Alamsyah, Anggriani]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 7 No 2 (2019): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v7i2a7
<![CDATA[This study discussed the orientation, behavior and strategy implemented by two clans, the Padjalangi clan and the Nurdin Halid clan, which were more focused on their children namely Andi Izman Maulana Padjalangi and Andi Muhammad Zunnun Armin Nurdin Halid who carried out rivalry in the 2019 simultaneous elections, DPRD Dapil Province 7 Regency of Bone. This study also used qualitative methods with descriptive analysis. Data collection used observation techniques, interviews, study of documents using political clan theory, behavioral approaches, voters and social capital. The results of this study indicated three variables in answering the formulation of the problem, namely: Izman Padjalangi Political Behavior was firmness in leading and popular behavior and the Political Behavior of Zunnun Halid was his attitude which was more inclined to resolve the problem by way of deliberation. Izman Padjalangi's political orientation was an increase in human resources. And Zunnun Halid's political orientation was the application of education. Izman Padjalangi's Political Strategy was socialization and orders to choose him who comes from his parents. And Zunnun Halid's Political Strategy was to approach the middle of the community, community leaders, religious leaders, customs, politics, youth and be the segmentation that was aimed by Zunnun and Izman to gain support in the midst of society.]]>
<![CDATA[POTENSI PENINGKATAN EUROSKEPTISISME DI NEGARA INTI UNI EROPA ]]>
<![CDATA[Pradana, Hafid Adim]]>;
<![CDATA[Ramadhoan, Ruli Inayah]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 7 No 2 (2019): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v7i2a3
<![CDATA[The recent eradication of immigration and financial crises faced by the European Union has revived doubts from EU member states that they will need to survive in the European Union. This became known as Euroskepticism. The exit of the UK from the European Union after the Brexit referendum in 2016 further strengthened the notion of a strengthening euroskepticism in European Union countries. Departing from this, this study seeks to find out how significant the development of euroskepticism in European Union countries, which includes France, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, Belgium and Luxembourg, through comparison of the results of inter-party contestation in the last three elections. The six countries were chosen because they are the core countries that started the formation of European integration. The indicator used to measure the development of euroskepticism is by looking at the results of the right-wing or nationalist party results in each general election. Using comparative methods and quantitative data analysis techniques, this study produced findings that there was a significant increase in euroskepticism in France, the Netherlands, and Italy, and the potential to hold a referendum as the British had done.]]>
<![CDATA[POLITICAL SETTLEMENTS: ANTARA KONSEP DAN REALITAS ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurhandjati, Nurul]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 7 No 2 (2019): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v7i2a5
<![CDATA[Political Settlements are often identified with post-conflict conditions. Basically the main idea of political settlements is a shared understanding among the elites in the context of power distribution. Common understanding is interpreted as an agreement on the negotiations carried out, which is intended for the continuity of the overall system after the conflict. Thus the study of political settlements will show how the elites, both the formal elite and the informal elite, as well as other institutions in the community carry out strategies or strategies to establish legitimacy. The political agreement also negotiates the distribution of available resources. Thus the power relations that occur will restore the classic concept of power from Laswell namely Who Gets What, When and How, showing who has power in the agreement. As political agreements emerge as a strategy for cooperation rather than competition, in order to secure their interests, it takes days or even centuries, to be renewed continuously. Those who agree would continue to contest and are subject to renegotiation. The result would be new regulations or policies in the context of maintaining the status quo. Therefore, the political settlement framework did not state that the emergence of each policy reflects the balance of power in a country. Although in reality political agreement occurs in every political action, but in concept not many people use it in political analysis. This paper tried to describe the development of the concept of political agreement by examining the level of reality.]]>
<![CDATA[KONSEP MASYARAKAT DAN NEGARA TAUHIDI DALAM PEMIKIRAN POLITIK MURTADHA MUTHAHHARI ]]>
<![CDATA[Sabara, Sabara]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 7 No 2 (2019): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v7i2a6
<![CDATA[This paper was an attempt to examine the thoughts of Murtadha Mutahhari, especially in his political ideas regarding society and the state. Examining the political thoughts of Murtadha Muthhari in this paper is developed into 3 problem formulations namely; what is the conception of Tauhid's worldview according to Murtadha Mutahhari? what is the concept of Tauhidi society according to Murtadha Mutahhari? and how is Murtadha Muthahhari thought about the state? Murtadha Mutahhari was a figure of contemporary Iranian ulama-philosopher who took part as an ideologist and architect of the 1979 Iranian Islamic revolution. Tauhid's worldview forms the basis of the whole thought and ideology of Murtadha Mutahhari revolutionary. Monotheistic worldview meant a single-pole universe, centered on the One and the universe essentially come from or belongs to Allah and will return to Him. Allah was the objective to which all existence moved together and He also determined the direction of the objective whole universe, including humans. Tauhidi society is the implementation of Tauhid's worldview in the sociological domain which means a social bond where the supreme ruler is God/Allah and his people are treated equally according to God's commands. The Tauhidi people regard egalitarianism and justice as principles. Mutahhari's political views were oriented towards a theo-democratic state system which emphasized that Allah is the supreme ruler. Humans with the principle of independence and the value of their endeavors have the right to take part in determining the direction of the state while remaining based on the principle of egalitarianism and justice and divine/ilahi laws.]]>
<![CDATA[PERGESERAN DAN KONFIGURASI POLITIK HASIL PILEG 2019: KAJIAN DAN ANALISIS TERHADAP DINAMIKA POLITIK DI SULAWESI SELATAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Jurdi, Syarifuddin]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 7 No 2 (2019): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v7i2a1
<![CDATA[Elections are a means of popular sovereignty, through the Election the elite leaders will be selected through democratic elections. 2019 Simultaneous Election is the first election that unites the president-vice presidential election with the legislative election, the election results show a friction and exchange of positions between the ruling elite. Based on the results of the 2019 elections in South Sulawesi, there was a shift in the position of the elite, out of a total of 85 members of the South Sulawesi Provincial DPRD, 59 people were newcomers (first elected as members of the Provincial DPRD), only 26 incumbents were still elected. This shift in position was caused by increased political awareness of citizens, also influenced by the practice of clientelism and patronage. A number of elected elites were candidates who were not too firmly rooted, nor were elites who stand out in the community, but the "X" factor that lead a number of candidates to the DPRD of South Sulawesi province. Among the elected elites there were a number of names that were family or relatives of the ruling elite, for example the son of the Regent of Bone was elected as a member of the provincial DPRD, the son of a DPRD RI member from PPP was also thought to have been elected, because of his father's influence.]]>
