Articles
166 Documents
<![CDATA[POST-ISLAMISME: MEMAHAMI AKSI POLITIK ISLAM KONTEMPORER ]]>
<![CDATA[Karim, Syahrir]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a7
<![CDATA[Post-Islamism is a dynamic Islamic political phenomenon that spreads with various characters. Previously ideologically different groups tried to merge into the same movement and tried to compromise or even fight. Islamic groups or mass organizations that tend to compromise with the state are their way to continue to exist in political reality. Although actually some of them still do not abandon the goals or ideology of the organization totally. This is purely to maintain public sympathy and on the other hand, to exist in the dynamics of state politics. This phenomenon is in line with several main characteristics of post-Islamism, among others, they tend to be pragmatic, tend to compromise with the state without completely abandoning their ideological characteristics, and they tend to be more realistic in seeing the situation. It can be seen that post-Islamism tends to be less in tune with issues of secularism and on the other hand they also reject the application of Sharia law which looks rigid, including ideological-religious platforms in its application in several places. In general, the characteristics of post-Islamism tend to be the same, such as compromise with political realities, pragmatic tendencies in carrying out government programs, and a tolerant attitude towards groups that are considered different with them.]]>
<![CDATA[SIMULASI WACANA MEDIA DAN PERMAINAN WACANA POLITIK ]]>
<![CDATA[Goncing, Muh. Abdi]]>;
<![CDATA[Syahrul, Fathullah]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a4
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze how the media does the simulate discourse in reality and to reveal how the media through their discourse play a political role in social life. The critical perspective of Jean Baudrillard's simulation theory is used as the basic approach for this research. The results of the research indicate that the media discourse through its simulation process has carried out the construction of reality which led to the establishment of a certain ideology that can stimulate the emergence of various needs that must be met by the audience. This need is then used by the media into forms of artificial reality which then directs the audience's perspective and political activities into virtual spaces. This political virtuality then creates a certain political ideology in the context of the audience's political life.]]>
<![CDATA[RETALIASI ISLAMOPHOBIA DI PRANCIS DALAM PRINSIP MAQASHID SYARI’AH DHARURIYYAH ]]>
<![CDATA[Fajrina, Siti]]>;
<![CDATA[Surwandono, Surwandono]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a5
<![CDATA[This article describes the Islamophobia in France and the boycott of French products by Islamic countries due to the French Government's statement regarding the caricature of the Prophet Muhammad. With a focus on the concept of Maqashid Syari'ah Dharuriyyah, this paper will analyze how the Dharuriyyah principle can protect beliefs and whether this boycott has a significant impact in France. The data from this paper were obtained through the Mendeley library and processed using the analytical description method with VosViewer. The result of this paper is that the boycott carried out by Muslims with the maintenance of religion under the context of Dharuriyyah succeeded in realizing the French economy with the decline in the stock market in France.]]>
<![CDATA[KONSTRUKSI POLITIK, PRAETORIAN DAN PENDISIPLINAN TUBUH ]]>
<![CDATA[Fajar, Fajar]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a9
<![CDATA[Pergulatan mengenai keindonesian kita hari ini, tak lepas dari peran sejarah, mengapa gelombang krisis ekonomi Asia menimpa seluruh aspek perekonomian hingga kebangsaan di awali tahun 1997 dan klimaks pada 21 Mei 1998 yang kemudian menandai tumbangnya Orde Baru yang selama 32 tahun di kuasai oleh Presiden Soeharto. Pemerintahan yang dianggap otoriter berganti dengan pemerintahan yang dianggap demokratis. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif menurut Creswell dalam Sugiyono (2012) diantaranya yaitu narrative research. Dimana peneliti mencoba menggambarkan kehidupan seorang tokoh atau individu dan menuliskan cerita dan riwayat pengalaman tokoh ataupun individu tersebut serta bagaimana riwayat konstruksi sosial politik di Era Soeharto kini seolah menjadi tatanan sosial baru sehingga digambarkan dalam bentuk narrative research. Penelitian ini menggunakan kerangka teori Daniel Dhakidae Cendekiawan dan Kekuasaan; Dalam Negara Orde Baru dalam melihat bagaimana pola kekuasaan dalam Orde Baru sebagai pisau konstruksi analisis yang berkembang. Hasil pada penelitian ini menggambarkan bagaimana sebuah pemerintahan Orde Baru menjalankan mesin Negara dengan memperhadapkan kekuatan militer, partai politik dan kekuatan birokrasi sehingga mendapatkan kekuasaan yang terjalin sedemikian lama sehingga mampu menciptakan pengawasan maupun panoptik terhadap warga Negara yang begitu teratur dan cenderung memaksa. Dalam politik tubuh, kekuasaan Soeharto yang mendisiplinkan lembaga-lembaga negara dan partai politik, agama sampai pada masyarakat Indonesia diterangkan oleh Michael Foucault sebagai panoptik atau pengawasan sehingga tercipta suatu masyarakan disipliner.]]>
<![CDATA[KINERJA KOMISI PEMILIHAN UMUM KOTA MAKASSAR DALAM MELINDUNGI HAK PILIH WARGA DI TENGAH PANDEMI COVID-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Sulistyowati, Dyahwanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad, Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Sukri, Sukri]]>;
<![CDATA[Ariana, Ariana]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 2 (2021): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i2a7
<![CDATA[A common problem that is usually found in the election process is updating the voters’ data. It is a very crucial stage because it is related to the citizens' voting rights. This article looks at how the performance of the General Election Commission of Makassar city (KPU Kota Makassar) in protecting citizens' voting rights during COVID-19 crisis. The research used descriptive research with a qualitative approach. The results of the study indicate that the commission had carried out its duties in the process of updating voters’ data. The list of permanent voters for the 2020 in Makassar mayoral election decreased due to the large number of Makassar residents who were not staying in Makassar during the time of matching and research procedure (coklit). However, socialization continued to be organized bot in conventional and a modern platform through social media. In addition, collaboration with the Department of Population and Civil Registration, KPU Kota Makassar managed to update the data. Hence, people who do not have electronic identification card (E-KTP) can used their voting rights.]]>
<![CDATA[PENANGANAN KONFLIK MELALUI KEAMANAN DI KALIMANTAN BARAT INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Elyta, Elyta]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 2 (2021): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i2a9
<![CDATA[Pontianak which is located in West Kalimantan, Indonesia, is considered as a conflict-prone area with 24 conflicts that happened until 2014. The purpose of this study is to determine and analyze how conflict is resolved in Pontianak. This research is qualitative research with data collection through direct observation and open interviews with key informants. Based on the results of the study, it is found that the prime reasons for conflict are boundaries dispute among the local communities, investment-plantation conflicts between the community and companies, political conflicts between local communities and the government. Regarding conflict management, the adoption of local wisdom values becomes the main important aspect in overcoming conflict. Through cooperation between the actors involved combined with the local value among the society, conflicts should be handled and it brings positive impact. ]]>
<![CDATA[MOBILISASI MASSA KEMENANGAN KOLOM KOSONG PADA PEMILIHAN WALIKOTA MAKASSAR TAHUN 2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Kambo, Gustiana]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 2 (2021): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i2a6
<![CDATA[The study aims to describe the winning of the blank box in Makassar Mayoral Election in 2018. This research used a qualitative method specifically case study to analyze the mass direction pattern in the victory of blank box. By using the Huntington concept of mobilization and mass communication from Philip Tichenor, the study found that the victory of the blank box was caused by means of intense direct and indirect mass mobilization. In an indirect way, this mobilization used the power of social media, Facebook, the success team and volunteers to formulate information and messages that are deliberately carried out for to attract the attention of voters.]]>
<![CDATA[KEGAGALAN KETERLIBATAN POLITIK: DARI KESENJANGAN DIGITAL MENUJU KESENJANGAN DEMOKRASI ]]>
<![CDATA[Abhipraya, Fairuz Arta]]>;
<![CDATA[Cahya Widodo, Bambang Eka]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 2 (2021): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i2a5
<![CDATA[Almost all political scholars have proven that Facebook has an important role in seizing the public’s political engagement in political campaign agenda. However, the differences in voter segmentation and the internet capacity do not make all cases are all the same phenomenon. This study used a mixed research method to find out the Facebook's role in shaping the online political engagement from the Bantul community to the official accounts of candidates in Bantul Local Election 2020 for Bantul regency. The result of this research led to a conclusion that there was a digital divide that resulting in the democratic divide in the Bantul Regency. This democratic divide caused the lack of understanding of the local community towards the issue raised by the candidates. Furthermore, all the political candidates in the Bantul regency that competed in the local election 2020 had used symbolic issues for their political campaign agenda in this election such as religion-tolerance and other cultural-social issues. ]]>
<![CDATA[Isu Pemekaran Wiayah sebagai Komoditas Politik dalam Masyarakat To Pulo di Kabupaten Selayar ]]>
<![CDATA[Indriani, Dwi]]>;
<![CDATA[Sudarmono, Sudarmono]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 2 (2021): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i2a8
<![CDATA[The decentralization of a local government administration is expected to promote the socio-economic prosperity of its community. One of the opportunities that could be done is by establishing a new autonomous region through redistricting. By provoking the issue of redistricting, local elites bring this issue to be a political commodity to expand their political popularity and increase their electability. This article aims to 1) identify the factors behind the demands for the establishing a new autonomous region by redistricting certain islands of the Kepulauan Selayar Regency; 2) describe the role of elites in the effort to expand the Regency of Kepulauan Selayar; and 3) analyze the current dynamics regarding the issue of the territorial redistriction of the Kepulauan Selayar Regency. By using a qualitative approach, it was found that geographical circumstances, socio-economic inequality of local indigenous people and differences of cultural identity were the factors behind the demand of establishing a new autonomous territory. It is also found that local elites played a significant role behind the redistricting agenda for some reason, particularly to sustain their power and authority. Even though the new territory is unable to be established, the issue is remained articulate.]]>
<![CDATA[KOMPETISI, KOMPROMI DAN COALITION AGREEMENT: BEREBUT KURSI WAKIL GUBERNUR DKI JAKARTA DI TENGAH KONTESTASI PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Mahpudin, Mahpudin]]>;
<![CDATA[Lestari, Fransisca Mega]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 2 (2021): December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i2a4
<![CDATA[Competition and compromise in party coalitions is a necessity. This happens because parties have different agendas, interests, and political goals. The party's choice to compete or compromise is highly dependent on the political situation and interests that are being faced. The implication is that the choice can be single, namely choosing one (competition or compromise with other parties), or both go hand in hand. Therefore, parties often make political contracts in the form of coalition agreements to ensure that the coalitions that are built provide political benefits. This article attempts to portray competition and compromise within the coalition party between Gerindra and PKS. The results of the study show that Gerindra and PKS must reconcile the two logics. On the one hand, these two parties must show unity during the 2019 presidential election for the succession of the Prabowo-Sandiaga Uno candidacy. However, at the same time they are competing in the context of filling the position of deputy governor. The two competing logics caused the coalition parties to compete and at the same time compromise. The choice to compete and compromise has implications for the presence of a coalition agreement among coalition parties. However, the coalition agreement is not oriented to policy issues, but rather is based on the interests of power. The implication is that the coalition agreement becomes the glue as well as the destroyer of the party coalition building.]]>
