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Problematika Ambang Batas Suara (Threshold) dalam Pemilihan Umum di Indonesia Mahesa Rannie; Laurel Heydir
Simbur Cahaya VOLUME 26 NOMOR 2, DESEMBER 2019
Publisher : Universitas Sriwijaya

Problematika ambang batas suara dalam pemilihan umum menjadi persoalan tersendiri di Indonesia yang tiada habisnya menjadi bahan perdebatan yang alot. Dimulai dari persoalan electoral threshold, parliamentary threshold, hingga presidential threshold. Problematika ambang batas suara tersebut terpusat pada prosentase ketentuan ambang batas suara (threshold). Satu kali pemilu (tahun 2004) menggunakan ketentuan electoral threshold, parliamentary threshold yang mulai berlaku sejak 2009 hingga pemilu serentak tahun 2019, dan presidential threshold yang sudah berlaku sejak pemilu tahun 2004 hingga pemilu serentak tahun 2019. Ketentuan ini tertuang dalam undang-undang pemilu anggota legislatif maupun pemilu eksekutuf. Dalam undang-undang tersebut ketentuan ambang batas suara (threshold) selalu berubah-ubah karena tidak membawa pengaruh yang signifikan terhadap penyederhanaan partai politik di Indonesia. Banyaknya partai politik yang berkembang merupakan persoalan dalam sistem pemerintahan presidensial yang dipilih oleh Indonesia. Upaya penyederhanaan partai politik tersebut dilakukan dengan memberlakukan ketentuan electoral threshold, parliamentary threshold, dan presidential threshold

Pola Koalisi Dalam Sistem Pemerintahan Presidensial Indonesia Pasca Amandemen UUD 1945 Mahesa Rannie; Zulhidayat -
Simbur Cahaya VOLUME 24 NOMOR 3, SEPTEMBER 2017
Publisher : Universitas Sriwijaya

Struktur politik dan ketatanegaraan Indonesia mengalami perubahan yang sangat mendasar pasca amandemen UUD 1945. Salah satunya adalah pemurnian sistem pemerintahan presidensial Indonesia yang telah disepakati oleh Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (MPR). Sistem pemerintahan presidensial sebetulnya tidak mengenal adanya koalisi. Koalisi lazimnya dipraktekkan dalam sistem pemerintahan parlementer. Akan tetapi dalam kondisi sistem pemerintahan presidensial Indonesia yang multipartai, koalisi merupakan suatu “keharusan” demi keberlangsungan pemerintahan di Indonesia. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan bagaimana pola koalisi dalam sistem pemerintahan presidensial Indonesia pasca amandemen UUD 1945 khususnya amandemen ketiga. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menelusuri bahan-bahan pustaka dan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berhubungan dengan penelitian. Setelah dianalisis maka diketahui bahwa pola koalisi yang terjadi di Indonesia selama tiga periode pemerintahan pasca amandemen ketiga UUD 1945, didapati pola koalisi yang sedikit berbeda. Akan tetapi dari ketiga pola koalisi tersebut dapat ditarik kesamaan bahwa pola koalisi dalam sistem pemerintahan Indonesia cenderung mudah rapuh dan terpecah belah serta memerlukan kompromi antara berbagai pihak, antara lain eksekutif, legislatif, dan partai politik. Untuk itulah seharusnya ada pengaturan yang jelas mengenai koalisi dalam sistem pemerintahan presidensial Indonesia ini agar tidak mudah terpecah belah demi pemerintahan yang efektif, efisien, dan stabil.

Kedudukan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Dalam Struktur Ketatanegaraan Indonesia Pasca Amandemen UUD 1945 MMahesa Rannie
Simbur Cahaya VOLUME 24 NOMOR 2, MEI 2017
Publisher : Universitas Sriwijaya

Setelah amandemen UUD 1945 lembaga perwakilan di Indonesia terdiri dari tiga, yaitu MPR, DPR, dan DPD. Kedudukan ketiga lembaga perwakilan ini secara jelas diatur dalam pasal-pasal yang terdapat pada amandemen UUD 1945. Masing-masing lembaga perwakilan tersebut mempunyai tugas, fungsi, dan kewenangan tersendiri yang diatur pula dalam amandemen UUD 1945, termasuk MPR. Kewenangan ketiga lembaga perwakilan itu berbeda satu sama lain dan ada perbedaannya dengan kewenangannya sewaktu UUD 1945 belum diamandemen, terutama MPR. Diantara ketiga lembaga perwakilan tersebut, kedudukan dan kewenangan MPR dalam struktur ketatanegaraan Indonesia pasca amandemen UUD 1945 yang paling banyak mengalami perubahan. MPR tidak lagi menjadi lembaga tertinggi negara dan wewenangnya tidak lagi “sekuat” pada saat UUD 1945 belum diamandemen. Semua ini merupakan konsekuensi dari diperkuatnya sistem pemerintahan presidensial Indonesia yang menerapkan checks and balances antar lembaga negara, sehingga kedudukan semua lembaga negara, termasuk lembaga perwakilan sejajar dan tidak ada yang lebih tinggi.

Hak Prerogatif Presiden di Indonesia Pasca Perubahan UUD 1945 Mahesa Rannie
Simbur Cahaya VOLUME 27 NOMOR 2, DESEMBER 2020
Publisher : Universitas Sriwijaya

Jika ditinjau lebih lanjut dari konsep awalnya, penggunaan maupun implementasi hak prerogatif Presiden di Indonesia, selaku kepala negara dan kepala pemerintahan telah salah kaprah, begitu juga dengan pemahamannnya. Jenis penelitian hukum yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah penelitian normatif, yaitu penelitian dengan melakukan pengumpulan data melalui penelusuran bahan-bahan pustaka berupa aneka literatur dan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berhubungan dengan permasalahan penelitian ini. Pendekatan penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah pendekatan sejarah (history approach), pendekatan perundang-undangan (statute approach), pendekatan analisis hukum (analythcal approach), dan pendekatan konseptual (conceptual approach). Dari hasil analisis penelitian didapatkan hasil, ternyata hak prerogatif Presiden masih termuat dalam UUD 1945 pasca perubahan. Pasal 22 ayat 1 merupakan pasal yang masih dapat diidentifikasikan sebagai hak prerogatif Presiden. Dalam pasal tersebut, disebutkan bahwa Presiden mempunyai wewenang untuk mengeluarkan peraturan presiden pengganti undang-undang (perppu) dalam hal ikhwal kegentingan yang memaksa dalam keadaan yang mendesak atau darurat menurut tafsiran presiden sendiri. Wewenang yang dimiliki Presiden tersebut, dalam implementasinya tidak dapat dicampuri oleh lembaga negara manapun.

KEDUDUKAN KOMISI PEMBERANTASAN KORUPSI DALAM SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN INDONESIA Mahesa Rannie
Lex Librum : Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 2021: Volume 7 Nomor 2 Juni 2021
Publisher : Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Hukum Sumpah Pemuda Palembang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.46839/lljih.v7i2.384

Abstrak Kedudukan Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia memang seringkali diperdebatkan, hal ini terbukti dengan Putusan-Putusan MK yang berubah-ubah. Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam putusannya pernah beberapa kali memutuskan berbeda tentang kedudukan KPK ini dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia. Mahkamah Konstitusi pernah memutuskan KPK merupakan lembaga negara independen di luar ranah kekuasaan eksekutif, legislatif, dan yudikatif. Pernah pula memutuskan bahwa KPK merupakan eksekutif dilihat dari kewenangannya. Putusan-putusan MK ini tentu saja membawa pengaruh terhadap undang-undang KPK. Revisi undang-undang KPK terbaru, yaitu Undang-Undang Nomor 19 Tahun 2019 menyatakan KPK masuk dalam ranah kekuasaan eksekutif sehingga dengan demikian KPK dapat menjadi objek hak angket Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR). Hal demikian tentu saja menambah panjang perdebatan di kalangan ahli hukum dengan argumentasinya masing-masing. Dari argumentasi-argumentasi tersebut penulis menganggap KPK adalah lembaga negara independen di luar struktur organ negara yang utama. Hal ini sejalan dengan theory the new separation of power sebagai konsekuensi dari teori negara kesejahteraan (welfare state) di era abad modern ini. Sebagai lembaga negara independen yang kedudukannya tidak sekuat lembaga negara utama dalam ranah kekuasaan eksekutif, legislatif, dan yudikatif tentu saja KPK bisa dibubarkan jika lembaga yang selama ini sebetulnya mempunyai wewenang kuat untuk melaksanakan penegakan hukum dalam rangka pemberantasan tindak pidana korupsi (Kepolisian dan Kejaksaan) mampu berbenah diri. Selama belum mampu berbenah maka wewenang tersebut bisa dilaksanakan oleh KPK yang keberadaannya sampai saat ini masih tetap diperlukan dalam rangka pemberantasan tindak pidana korupsi di Indonesia. Kata kunci: Kedudukan KPK, Sistem Ketatanegaraan, Indonesia Abstract The position of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in the constitutional system of Indonesia is often debated. This is evidenced by the inconsistent decisions of the Constitutional Court. The Constitutional Court has ever made different decisions several times regarding the position of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in the constitutional system of Indonesia. The Constitutional Court once decided that the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) was an independent state institution outside the realm of executive, legislative and judicial powers. It has also decided that the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is an executive body in terms of its authority. These inconsistent decisions of the Constitutional Court, of course, have an influence on the law of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). The latest revision of the law of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), namely the Law Number 19 of 2019 states that the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is classified to be in the realm of executive power so that the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) can become the object of the right to inquiry by the House of Representatives (DPR). This situation, of course, adds to the length of debate among legal experts with their respective arguments. Based on these arguments, the writer considers that the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is an independent state institution outside the main state organ structure. This is in line with the theory of the new separation of power as a consequence of the theory of the welfare state in this modern era. As an independent state institution whose position is not as strong as the main state institutions in the realm of executive, legislative and judicial powers, of course, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) can be dissolved if the institutions that actually have strong authority to carry out law enforcement in the context of eradicating criminal acts of corruption (Police and Prosecutors) are able to empower themselves to execute their authority. However, if those institutions have not been able to execute their authority, this authority can be exercised by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), whose existence is still needed in the context of eradicating criminal acts of corruption in Indonesia.

LEGAL REGULATIONS FOR THE GENERAL ELECTION SYSTEM IN INDONESIA FROM THE 1955 ELECTION TO THE CONCURRENT ELECTION OF 2019 Rannie, Mahesa
Nurani Vol 20 No 2 (2020): Nurani: jurnal kajian syari'ah dan masyarakat
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Fatah Palembang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.19109/nurani.v20i2.6927

Throughout its history, Indonesia has held general elections many times from 1955 to 2019. During that long period of time, Indonesia implemented a different electoral system at each election. The arrangement of the electoral system in Indonesia always changes from time to time in each election administration. In the process of changing the laws and the regulations for every election, there has always been legal political dynamics. After the 2014 elections, there have been changes regarding the conduct of elections in Indonesia. The Constitutional Court (MK) granted the petition for a judicial review of Law Number 42 of 2008 concerning the Election of President and Vice President in 2014, so that the implementation of elections in Indonesia entered a new phase in 2019 and beyond. In 2019, for the first time Indonesia held simultaneous elections. The methodology used in this study is normative. The approaches used in this study are the historical approach, the statute approach, the legal analysis approach, and the conceptual approach. Legal arrangements regarding the conduct of elections always change, starting from the highest level of legislative regulations to the lowest (from the laws to the General Election Commission regulations, presidential decrees, ministerial regulations, or other regulations). The changes in the regulations regarding the implementation of elections in Indonesia have been present since the time of the 1955 elections until the 2019 elections. Since the implementation of the 1955 elections, Indonesia has always practiced a proportional electoral system, the electoral system that is considered suitable to be applied in Indonesia. This proportional electoral system is practiced with various modifications (both the open proportional electoral system and the closed proportional system). There are even district elements in the proportional electoral system in Indonesia, for example there are electoral districts that can be equated with districts in the district electoral system. The practice of the electoral system to be used in the elections in Indonesia is almost always subject to debate, both among constitutional law intellectuals and politics.

The Phenomenon of Political Dynasty in Regional Head Elections in Indonesia Rannie, Mahesa; Saraswati, Retno; Wisnaeni, Fifiana
Nurani Vol 23 No 1 (2023): Nurani: jurnal kajian syari'ah dan masyarakat
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Fatah Palembang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.19109/nurani.v23i1.16477

Direct regional head elections (Pilkada) provide opportunities for civilian circles to become candidates for regional heads, but this has created a new problem, namely the rampant phenomenon of dynasty politics. This condition is quite concerning, not only because incumbent families participate in the replacement, but also due to the negative effects of the desire for power. Therefore, it is necessary to analyze why the phenomenon of dynasty politics emerges and its influence on the implementation of Pilkada. Additionally, it is important to analyze how this phenomenon is viewed from the perspectives of human rights, law, and justice. This is in line with the research objective, which is to analyze the causes of the emergence of dynasty politics and its influence on Pilkada, as well as to analyze the phenomenon from various perspectives. The research method used is socio-legal. The conclusion drawn is that the emergence of dynasty politics is due to the recruitment function of political parties not being based on quality and the weakness of regulations. This has consequences for the implementation of Pilkada, resulting in candidates who are of lower quality and competence. From a human rights perspective, the regulations regarding dynasty politics may indeed violate human rights, but considering the widespread phenomenon of dynasty politics, it is not excessive to establish rules similar to those previously included in Law Number 8 of 2015. From a legal perspective, election laws and political parties should also be improved. All of these efforts are intended to prevent the further spread of dynasty politics, as it can result in injustice for other individuals who wish to run for office.

The Age Limit for Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidates in Constitutional Court: An Implication of Ethical Sanctions for Judges Fauzan, Muhammad; Iriani, Dewi; Budiono, Arief; Rannie, Mahesa; Marvinda, Elsa Sintya
Jurnal Dinamika Hukum Vol 24, No 3 (2024)
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.jdh.2024.24.3.4116

Almas filed a lawsuit to change the minimum age of presidential and vice presidential candidates from 40 years to 35 years. Almas believed that if it is not changed, it will be contrary to the Republic of Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution. This decision is controversial but has opened a rare opportunity for talented young people to ascend and hold presidential and vice-presidential positions via election, even when they are less than 40 years old. The Republic of Indonesia’s Constitutional Court judges partially accepted Almas' lawsuit, in which the age limit remains at least 40. However, it can be deviated if a person has had experience becoming a regional head (governor/regent/mayor). This research aims to analyze: (1) how Constitutional Court judges interpret the minimum age limit for presidential and vice-presidential candidates in the Indonesian constitutional system; and (2) how the Constitutional Court judges’ final authority, which is Decision No.90/PUU-XXI/2023 on the Minimum Age Limit for Presidential Candidates and Vice-Presidential Candidates is a controversial decision. Method: This study used a jurisprudence approach, which studied the judicial decision in court primary data. It was supported by secondary data, which were obtained through a literature review. It focused on the data of Decision No. 90/PUU-XXI/2023, the Indonesian Constitution, and the Election Law (2017). Findings: In this study, it was found that the Decision of the Constitutional Court No. 90/PUU-XXI/2023 on the Minimum Age Limit for Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidates is controversial, considering how the judge decided it. Then, several judges were sentenced for the act of ethics violation by the Constitutional Court’s Honorary Assembly. Conclusion: The decision of the Constitutional Court is binding and final, even though it is controversial. Several judges were sentenced for committing a violation of ethics by the Constitutional Court’s Honorary Assembly. Even so, this decision also opened up an opportunity for talented but young people under 40 to become presidential or vice-presidential candidates in the election.Keywords: Reconstruction, Age Limit, Presidential Candidates, Vice-Presidential Candidates

Reconstruction of the Characteristics of the Constitutional Court’s Decision on the Minimum Age of Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidates in the Republic Of Indonesia’s State Administrative System Muhammad Fauzan; Dewi Iriani; Arief Budiono; Mahesa Rannie; Elsa Sintya Marvinda
Jurnal Dinamika Hukum Vol 24 No 3 (2024)
Publisher : Faculty of Law Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.jdh.2024.24.3.15571

There was a proposal that the minimum age of Indonesia’s Presidential and Vice-Presidential candidates should be 35 years as opposed to the original 40 years. Decision of the Constitutional Court No. 90/PUU-XXI/2023 on the Minimum Age of Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidates rejected this proposal and declared that the minimum age is 40 years old with an additional sentence of "having had experience as a head of a region". This paper aims to analyze how Constitutional Court judges reconstruct the characteristics of the Constitutional Court decision in interpreting case No. 90/PUU-XXI/2023 and the considerations of Constitutional Court judges in applying legal regulation principles in deciding upon case No. 90/PUU-XXI/2023. Results found that The Decision of the Constitutional Court No. 90/PUU-XXI/2023 is unconstitutional as it violates the mandate of the 1945 Constitution and Article 169 letter (q) of Law No. 7 of 2017 on the General Election.

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