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Diplomasi Ekonomi China di Negara-Negara Teluk Cipto, Bambang
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 2 (2016): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.5294

Abstract

This article aims to analyse the diplomatic relation between China and the gulf states which  incorporated to Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The absence of England from this region in late 1960s was marked by the changing of China relation to the gulf states. However, as the pro-communist policy by China had spread over the world, the gulf country were reluctant to open diplomatic relation with China immediately. Therefore, this situation has made the changes went slowly. The spreading of the external threat from Soviet Union Communism in Iraq, became a strong consideration for Kuwait to eventually open the diplomatic relation to China before the other gulf state.Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis hubungan diplomasi antara China dan negara-negara Teluk yang tergabung dalam Dewan Kerjasama Teluk (Gulf Cooperation Council/GCC).  Keluarnya Inggris dari kawasan Teluk pada akhir dekade 60-an ditandai, antara lain, dengan perubahan hubungan China dan negara-negara Teluk. Namun perubahan ini berlangsung cukup lambat karena masa lalu kebijakan pro-komunis China di berbagai belahan dunia membuat negara-negara Teluk tidak segera membuka hubungan diplomasi dengan China pada saat itu. Kuwait merupakan sebuah perkecualian karena kekhawatiran Kuwait terhadap melebarnya pengaruh Uni Soviet di Iraq yang cenderung pro-Uni Soviet. Kekhawatiran terhadap ancaman eksternal ini menjadi alasan kuat bagi Kuwait untuk mendahalui rekan-rekannya sesama negara Teluk dalam membuka hubungan diplomatik dengan China.
Islam dalam Politik Luar Negeri Singapura Riyanto, Sugeng; Cipto, Bambang; Warsito, Tulus; Surwandono, Surwandono
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2018): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.72138

Abstract

The Malay Moslem community is actually a minority group in Singapore, which consist 14.3%, while Chinese ethnic is a majority with 76%. The previous studies on minority in Southeast Asia such as Thailand, Philippines and Myanmar showed that mostly the Muslim minority was treated as marginal community and political pressure. This study is to seek whether the Malay Muslim in Singapore has been treated as well as it in neighbor or contrary Malay Moslem has a different position and role in Singaporean politics. Furthermore, in term of foreign policy, this study is going to find the influence of Moslem existance, whereas Singapore is well-known as a secular state. In Singaporean leader’s perspectives, Islam is a threat, as it has been shown in several communal riots during the early history of Singapore, pressure from Malaysia and Indonesia. This is a vulnerable situation for Singapore. Therefore, Singapore addressed moderate policies toward Moslem through accommodation of Islam with several Islamic friendly policies in the country, and accommodation of Malaysian and Indonesian interests. In the other hand, Singapore also anticipates the threat from neighbors through close relations with United States and its allies.
The Arab Spring: Membaca Kronologi dan Faktor Penyebabnya Sahide, Ahmad; Hadi, Syamsul; Setiawati, Siti Muti’ah; Cipto, Bambang
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 4, No 2 (2015): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2015.0072.118-129

Abstract

The Arab States has faced political turbulence since January 0f 2011. This political event began by suicide action from a youth named Mohammed Bouazizi (Tunisia)until it spread to the other states such as Egypt, Syria, and the like. The political event became the beginning of the people power to fight against dictator regime in most of the Arab States. The rise of the people power succeeded to end the power of some tyrannical regimes, beginning from Tunisia, Zein Al-Abidin Ben Ali, followed by the end of Mubarak’s regime in Egypt, Syria still having political turbulence until now in order to overthrow Bashar al-Assad’s regime, and some other Arab States which can’t be irrespective from the political turbulence. This political event is called “The Arab Spring”, that is the coming of the hope for the better life with a democratic system. This writing tries to discuss chronology of that event and also tries to find out factors becoming cause of the political turbulence.
China’s Afghan Policy: De Facto Recognition of The Taliban Regime Umami, Liza; Cipto, Bambang
Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 8 No 1 (2023)
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.4

Abstract

This study aims to investigate China’s proactive stance toward developing tight ties with the Taliban regime. The author applies external-internal setting theory to examine China’s reasons for not carrying out Government Recognition to Taliban regime along with rational choice theory to emphasize why the choice to recognize the Taliban only as a de facto is the best solution for China’s current national interests. To study China’s foreign policy, a qualitative-explanatory method with a deductive method is used. After analyzing China’s concerns about Xinjiang instability as one of the “5 Poisons” and China’s security projects and investments in Afghanistan and the South and Central Asia region due to the Taliban’s weak legitimacy, this paper concludes that the recognition of Taliban regime is not a priority agenda at this time. China prioritizes regional cooperation and international support due to Afghanistan-based terrorism. Keywords: Foreign Policy, China, Taliban, Afghanistan, De Facto Recognition
Cultural Barrier in the Regeneration Process of Islamic Political Party in Indonesia Nastain, Muhamad; Abdullah, Irwan; Qodir, Zuly; Jubba, Hasse; Cipto, Bambang
Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun Vol. 12 No. 2 (2024): Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun
Publisher : SCAD Independent

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26811/peuradeun.v12i2.1104

Abstract

This research aims to describe the cultural barriers of the National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa or PKB) in promoting its members as candidates in direct presidential and vice-presidential elections. In the four general elections from 2004 to 2019, PKB failed to place its members as candidates. This condition is presumed to be due to cultural barriers embedded within the party’s internal dynamics and the cadre system. The research method employed in this study combined qualitative descriptive approaches by integrating literature studies with Focus Group Discussions (FGD) involving seven (7) competent informants comprising three media editors, two academics, one activist, and one politician. The data obtained from the FGD is the primary guide to trace document data. The data presentation involves triangulation of FGD data, document data, and field observation results. The data findings revealed three main pieces of evidence for cultural barriers: first, egocentrism of leaders and personal dependence, which refers to the positions of Kyai and Islamic Boarding Schools (pesantren) in the PKB cadre system; second, obedience that erases critical thinking, and third, the presence of the “green blood” identity, which holds privileges in the PKB’s cadre ship system. These three cultural barriers are not unique to PKB but are shared by most Islamic political parties in Indonesia.
Social transformation of solo city, indonesia: from the stigma of radicalism to the emergence of moderate islamic identity Haqqi, Halifa; Cipto, Bambang; Qodir, Zuly; Ikhwan, Hakimul
Jurnal Konseling dan Pendidikan Vol. 13 No. 2 (2025): JKP
Publisher : Indonesian Institute for Counseling, Education and Therapy (IICET)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.29210/1162700

Abstract

Surakarta City has long been associated with religious radicalism, positioning it as a critical site for studying Islamic moderation in Indonesia. This study aims to explore how religious communities in Surakarta construct and negotiate a moderate Islamic identity through the use of symbols and narratives, in response to stigmatization as a center of extremism. Employing a qualitative approach, data were collected through in-depth interviews with nine religious leaders from various organizations, participatory observations, and analysis of religious documents and local media. Thematic coding and triangulation techniques were used to ensure analytical rigor and validity. The findings reveal that symbols such as traditional attire, inclusive religious rituals, and narratives rooted in local Islamic history are strategically mobilized to promote a peaceful and nationalist version of Islam. These symbolic strategies serve not only to legitimize the presence of moderate communities in public space but also to resist and counter radical stereotypes. The study demonstrates that Islamic moderation at the local level emerges through complex, deliberate cultural processes rather than passive adaptation. It contributes to the discourse on community-based religious moderation and provides empirical insights for culturally grounded deradicalization policies.