Claim Missing Document
Check
Articles

Found 9 Documents
Search

FENOMENA PASANGAN CALON TUNGGAL PADA PILKADA SERENTAK DI JAWA TENGAH Agus Riyanto
SPEKTRUM Vol 18, No 2 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Wahid Hasyim Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (459.826 KB) | DOI: 10.31942/spektrum.v18i2.4795

Abstract

This paper aims to explain the phenomenon of single candidate pairs in simultaneous regional elections in Central Java. This phenomenon has appeared in the second stage of the 2017 Central Java simultaneous elections in one district and increased to six districts/cities in the 2020 simultaneous elections. This increase is at least influenced by political regulations in Law No. 10 of 2016 especially regarding the requirements for nomination by political parties or coalitions of political parties, support requirements for individual candidates and mandatory resignations for members of the legislature, TNI/POLRI, Civil Servants, village heads, BUMN officials. as well as BUMD. Keywords: simultaneous local elections, single candidate pair. Abstrak Tulisan ini bertujuan menjelaskan fenomena pasangan calon tunggal pada pilkada serentak di Jawa Tengah. Fenomena tersebut sudah muncul pada pilkada serentak Jawa Tengah tahap kedua tahun 2017 di satu kabupaten dan meningkat menjadi enam kabupaten/kota pada pilkada serentak tahun 2020. Peningkatan tersebut setidaknya dipengaruhi oleh regulasi politik dalam UU No 10 tahun 2016 khususnya mengenai syarat pencalonan oleh partai politik atau gabungan partai politik, syarat dukungan bagi calon perseorangan dan keharusan pengunduran bagi anggota legislatif, TNI/POLRI, Pegawai Negeri Sipil, kepala desa, pejabat BUMN maupun BUMD. Kata Kunci : pilkada serentak, pasangan calon tunggal
Path Dependence Repetition Dinamika Perkembangan Partai Proto Islam Indonesia, Sarekat Islam (1911-1940) Agus Riyanto
SOSIO DIALEKTIKA : JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL HUMANIORA Vol 6, No 1 (2021)
Publisher : LP2M

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31942/sd.v6i1.4582

Abstract

This article aims to describe the trajectory of the development of Sarekat Islam (SI) in the pre-independence era by using path dependence analysis and critical junctures. In this context, important political decisions made by the proto-Islamic party agents will identify various alternatives determined by their antecedent conditions, as well as a series of follow-up causal events after critical junctures as path dependence patterns that lead to an outcome or outcome of the development of the SI organization. explained that there were three stages of the development of the Sarekat Islam organization, which transformed into the Sarekat Islam Party (PSI) and the Indonesian Sarekat Islam Party (PSII) which were produced by three agent decisions in moments of critical juntures, namely the stages of growth, division and decline.
PATH DEPENDENCE REPETITION DINAMIKA PERKEMBANGAN PARTAI PROTO ISLAM INDONESIA, SAREKAT ISLAM (1911-1940) Agus Riyanto
SOSIO DIALEKTIKA : JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL HUMANIORA ARTICLE IN PRESS
Publisher : LP2M

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31942/sd.v6i1.3844

Abstract

This article aims to describe the trajectory of the development of Sarekat Islam (SI) in the pre-independence era by using path dependence analysis and critical junctures. In this context, important political decisions made by the proto-Islamic party agents will identify various alternatives determined by their antecedent conditions, as well as a series of follow-up causal events after critical junctures as path dependence patterns that lead to an outcome or outcome of the development of the SI organization. explained that there were three stages of the development of the Sarekat Islam organization, which transformed into the Sarekat Islam Party (PSI) and the Indonesian Sarekat Islam Party (PSII) which were produced by three agent decisions in moments of critical juntures, namely the stages of growth, division and decline. Key word : Critical junctures, Path dependence, the proto- Islamic
VOLATILITAS PEMILIH DAN INTERSEP POLITIK DALAM PEMILU DPRD KABUPATEN DEMAK 2004-2019 Joko Juli Prihatmoko; Agus Riyanto
Moderat : Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 9 No 3 (2023): Agustus 2023
Publisher : Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Galuh

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25157/moderat.v9i3.3180

Abstract

This study aims to determine the volatility of political parties, find the dynamics behind volatility, including intercept patterns or shifting political choices based on the social division of party voters in the 2004-2019 Demak DPRD elections. The type of research used is qualitative research combined with qualitative in numeric with a descriptive approach. The study found that the volatility index of the Demak DPRD elections was high and fluctuating, with an average of 34.26 in the last four elections. In the 2004 election, the volatility index was 53.36, declined to 22.93 in the 2014 election, and rose again to 26.51 in the 2019 election. The comparison of the level of electoral volatility shows differences in the stability of the pattern of competition between parties in the region, which further has consequences for local democratic politics. While high volatility shows the weakness of party and constituent relations, party institutionalization, and Party ID, which brings less stable election results while showing a more open and unpredictable electoral market. High vote volatility is reciprocally related to political intercepts, where one party bypasses or cuts off (growth) another party. Initially, political interception occurs across and between national or religious group parties, with national group parties getting the blessing of vote spillover from religious parties. Later, as the institutionalization of the religious group parties (PKB, PPP, and PAN) stabilized, political interception occurred between national group parties. It is easier for voters of national parties (PDIP, Gerindra, Golkar, Demokrat, Nasdem, etc.) to switch their choices. This confirms the openness of the electoral market for national group parties, which allows the emergence of new parties with large votes. Extrapolating, the shift in political choices will continue to occur in line with the increase in voter rationality. The biggest challenge is that the influence and size of the rational voter group is far below the fanatical rational voters and especially primordial voters.  In addition, structural conditions are a barrier to increasing voter rationality as political forces that maintain primordialism to gain and maintain power strengthen
PERANAN DINAS PENGENDALIAN PENDUDUK DAN KELUARGA BERENCANA DALAM PENGENDALIAN PERTUMBUHAN PENDUDUK KOTA SEMARANG Yulita Nilam Fridiyanti; Agus Riyanto; Suharto; Zudi Setiawan
Moderat : Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 9 No 3 (2023): Agustus 2023
Publisher : Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Galuh

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25157/moderat.v9i3.3218

Abstract

This research was conducted at the Semarang City Population and Family Planning Office. The target of the Population Control and Family Planning Service is the realization of stable population growth and the creation of quality families in the city of Semarang in order to avoid overcrowding with limited employment and pay attention to the health of fertile couples (PUS) and the growth and development of children born. This study aims to measure the extent of the population control agency's role in controlling the rate of population growth and the obstacles encountered in controlling the population of Semarang City using a qualitative descriptive research method. The results of the research show that the Office of Population Control, Family Planning, Women's Empowerment and Child Protection have played an optimal role. However, there are several obstacles that must be overcome, such as a lack of quality personnel, supporting facilities for service mobilization and program budgets that have been trimmed for other programs. In this regard, the efforts made to deal with obstacles include organizing family planning coaching with a priority scale, Refreshing Family Planning Cadres Activities with health protocol guidelines and coordinating synergistically regarding the need for operational infrastructure for family planning services
PRAKTEK DINASTI POLITIK PADA PILKADA SERENTAK JAWA TENGAH TAHUN 2020 Agus Riyanto; Yulita Nilam Fridiyanti; Joko Juli Prihatmoko
Moderat : Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10 No 1 (2024): February 2024
Publisher : Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Galuh

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25157/moderat.v10i1.3757

Abstract

This article aims to explain the practice of political dynasties in the 2020 Central Java simultaneous regional elections. By understanding the phenomenon holistically using qualitative description methods, the results of the research show that there are 10 (ten) candidates who are indicated to be related to political dynasties in the 2020 Central Java simultaneous regional elections. The existence of political dynasties This cannot be separated from three factors: first, regional election regulations, especially after the decision of the Constitutional Court (MK) Number 33/PUU-XIII/2015; second, the failure of political parties to produce cadres; third, society's permissive attitude towards the practice of dynastic politics. Political dynasties in the implementation of simultaneous regional elections in Indonesia will continue in the future until the emergence of "political will" from the government and the DPR to create new regulations to limit the practice of political dynasties. On the other hand, there is also a need for agreement among Constitutional Court judges regarding regulations limiting and regulating the practice of political dynasties which aims to protect local democracy and not to prohibit someone's political rights to contest regional elections.
PERAN MEDIA SOSIAL TIKTOK DALAM PARTISIPASI POLITIK GENERASI Z DI KABUPATEN KENDAL DALAM PEMILU 2024 Titik Wahyuningsih; Ali Martin; Agus Riyanto
Public Sphere: Jurnal Sosial Politik, Pemerintahan dan Hukum Vol 5, No 2 (2026): JPS (Jurnal Sosial Politik, Pemerintahan dan Hukum)
Publisher : CV Widina Media Utama

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.59818/jps.v5i2.3180

Abstract

TikTok has emerged as a political communication platform with the potential to influence Generation Z’s political awareness and participation during the 2024 General Election. This study aims to examine the role of TikTok in shaping political awareness and encouraging political participation among Generation Z in Kendal Regency. A descriptive-analytical qualitative approach was employed using purposive sampling. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews, digital observation, documentation, and literature review, and analyzed using Braun and Clarke’s thematic analysis. The findings reveal that TikTok enhances Generation Z’s access to political information, interest, and political awareness; however, digital engagement has not fully translated into offline political participation. From the perspectives of Almond and Verba, TikTok primarily strengthens cognitive and affective orientations, while McLuhan’s perspective suggests that the characteristics of the medium shape how Generation Z understands politics. Therefore, TikTok functions primarily as a gateway to political awareness rather than a direct driver of substantive political participation. ABSTRAKTikTok berkembang menjadi media komunikasi politik yang berpotensi memengaruhi kesadaran dan partisipasi politik Generasi Z pada Pemilu 2024. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis peran TikTok dalam membentuk kesadaran politik serta mendorong partisipasi politik Generasi Z di Kabupaten Kendal. Penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif-analitis dengan teknik purposive sampling. Data dikumpulkan melalui wawancara semi-terstruktur, observasi digital, dokumentasi, dan studi pustaka, kemudian dianalisis menggunakan analisis tematik Braun dan Clarke. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa TikTok meningkatkan akses informasi, ketertarikan, dan kesadaran politik Generasi Z, tetapi keterlibatan digital belum sepenuhnya berkembang menjadi partisipasi politik offline. Perspektif Almond dan Verba menunjukkan bahwa TikTok lebih dominan membentuk orientasi kognitif dan afektif, sedangkan perspektif McLuhan menegaskan bahwa karakter media memengaruhi cara Generasi Z memahami politik. Dengan demikian, TikTok lebih berperan sebagai pintu masuk kesadaran politik daripada pendorong langsung partisipasi politik substantif.
EFEKTIVITAS PROGRAM SOSIALISASI KPU KOTA SEMARANG DALAM MENINGKATKAN PARTISIPASI PEMILIH PADA PEMILIHAN WALIKOTA DAN WAKIL WALIKOTA SEMARANG TAHUN 2024 Didin Riswanto; Agus Riyanto; Anna Yulia Hartati
Public Sphere: Jurnal Sosial Politik, Pemerintahan dan Hukum Vol 5, No 2 (2026): JPS (Jurnal Sosial Politik, Pemerintahan dan Hukum)
Publisher : CV Widina Media Utama

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.59818/jps.v5i2.3179

Abstract

Voter participation is a key indicator of democratic quality; however, voter turnout in the 2024 Semarang Mayoral Election did not meet the target set by the Semarang City General Election Commission (KPU). This study aims to analyze the effectiveness of the KPU’s voter socialization program in increasing voter participation and to identify the factors influencing its effectiveness. The study employed a qualitative method with a phenomenological approach. Data were collected through interviews, observations, documentation, and literature review, and analyzed using data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing, with validation through triangulation and member checking. The findings indicate that the planned, multi-channel, collaborative, and inclusive socialization program improved voters’ knowledge, awareness, and participation. Voter turnout increased from 68.62% in 2020 to 71.41% in 2024, although it remained below the 77% target. The study concludes that the KPU’s socialization program was reasonably effective but should be strengthened through more adaptive, data-driven, sustainable, and targeted strategies focusing on groups and areas with low voter participation. ABSTRAKPartisipasi pemilih merupakan indikator penting kualitas demokrasi, namun tingkat partisipasi pada Pilkada Kota Semarang Tahun 2024 masih belum mencapai target KPU. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis efektivitas program sosialisasi KPU Kota Semarang dalam meningkatkan partisipasi pemilih serta mengidentifikasi faktor-faktor yang memengaruhi efektivitasnya. Penelitian menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan fenomenologi. Data dikumpulkan melalui wawancara, observasi, dokumentasi, dan studi pustaka, kemudian dianalisis melalui reduksi data, penyajian data, dan penarikan kesimpulan dengan validasi triangulasi dan member checking. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sosialisasi yang dilaksanakan secara terencana, multisaluran, kolaboratif, dan inklusif mampu meningkatkan pengetahuan, kesadaran, serta partisipasi pemilih. Tingkat partisipasi meningkat dari 68,62% pada tahun 2020 menjadi 71,41% pada tahun 2024, meskipun belum mencapai target 77%. Penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa program sosialisasi KPU cukup efektif, tetapi perlu diperkuat melalui strategi yang lebih adaptif, berbasis data, berkelanjutan, dan berfokus pada kelompok serta wilayah dengan partisipasi rendah. 
Analysis Of Twitter's Social Media Usage In Russia-Ukraine War In 2022 Ali Martin; Anna Yulia Hartati; Agus Riyanto; Ismiyatun Ismiyatun
Pena Justisia: Media Komunikasi dan Kajian Hukum Vol. 23 No. 1 (2024): Pena Justisia
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Universitas Pekalongan

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31941/pj.v23i3.4789

Abstract

Russia's invasion of Ukraine occurred on February 24, 2022, followed by an information war that occurred on social media. Ukraine, which is inferior in terms of the number of weapons compared to Russia, certainly took advantage of this momentum to win the information war circulating on social media. Therefore, the narrative, in the form of persuasion or pressure, was carried out by official accounts from the Ukrainian government and officials to put pressure on several parties. Twitter is used to win the information war and get support from all parties. There are three Ukrainian targets: foreign governments, foreign companies, and the public. Of course, this is Ukraine's move to be able to attack Russia, especially on the economic front. This study uses qualitative research methods and secondary data. The theory used in this research is international political communication theory