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POLITICAL PRAGMATISM IN THE CONTEXT OF ISLAMIC LAW: THE RELEVANCE OF IBN TAYMIYYAH'S THOT TO MERITOCRACY AND THE INTEGRITY OF PUBLIC OFFICIALS Ali Rif'an; Asila Maysa Fatihah; Agus Nilmada Azmi
Jurnal Asy-Syukriyyah Vol. 27 No. 1 (2026): Jurnal Asy-Syukriyyah
Publisher : STAI Asy-Syukriyyah

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36769/asy.v27i1.1629

Abstract

Islamic political discourse frequently ignores the practical aspects of governance itself in favor of normative discussions about the ideal structure of the state. Taqiyuddin Ahmad ibn Taimiyah’s ideas provide a radical yet practical viewpoint amid the contemporary crisis of leadership and public official morality. The purpose of this article is to reconstruct Ibn Taimiyah’s idea of Siyasah Syar’iyyah, with a focus on the doctrine of the “strong and capable leader” (al-qawiy al-amin) as opposed to the “pious but weak leader.” This study examines Ibn taimiyah’s masterpiece, As-Siyasah as-Syar’iyyah fi Ishlah ar-Ra’i wa ar-Ra’iyyah, using a qualitative method with a historical hermeneutics approach. The finding show that Ibn Taimiyah desacralized the caliphate institution; according to him, a leader’s legitimacy is based on two meritocratic factors: technical skill (quwwah) and moral integrity (amanah), rather than just Quraysh ancestry or the formality of allegiance. This idea, which emphasizes that the state’s objective is the enforcement of legal justice rather than just religious symbolism, is highly relevant as a critique of transactional politics and nepotism in modern democracies.
UPAYA INTERNASIONALISASI RENMINBI MELALUI PROPOSAL PETROYUAN CHINA KE GCC Agus Nilmada Azmi; Aunurrofiq Aunurrofiq; Reina Permata Hadikusuma; Tasya Naura Arivia
Emerald: Journal of Economics and Social Sciences Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022): Emerald: Journal of Economics and Social Sciences
Publisher : Media Wawasan Ilmu Publishing

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Abstract

China's initiative in the Internationalization of Renminbi international trade transactions carried out by the Government of China by the launch of a pilot project, by starting to use yuan in international transaction activities in China's five main regions, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Dongguan. China also sees countries in the Middle East as a strategic position in establishing cooperation, especially in the oil and gas sector. From establishing cooperation through the GCC, China also cooperates with member countries, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Arab. The petroyuan has the opportunity to take a more prominent role in international trade to take over the petrodollar, given the weight of China's oil imports is increasing and imports from the United States are decreasing. In analyzing the internationalization of Renminbi, the author uses an approach through the theory of foreign policy and national interest. The author uses a qualitative research method, by taking and collecting various sources of literature as a reference.
KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI INDONESIA: (Kepemimpinan Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati dan Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono) Agus Nilmada Azmi
Emerald: Journal of Economics and Social Sciences Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023): Emerald: Journal of Economics and Social Sciences
Publisher : Media Wawasan Ilmu Publishing

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Abstract

Foreign policymaking is always strongly related to international politics and domestic situations. These two aspects become determinant factors for the making of foreign policy in a country. Based on this research, it should be asked whether Indonesia’s foreign policy, Bebas Aktif (free and active). Reflecting on the emergence of the politic of Bebas Aktif that has been used as the guideline of Indonesian foreign policy, significantly during the cold war, and the changes in international system as well as national politics, this article will analyze the performance of Indonesian foreign policy after the fall of Soeharto’s regime.
PRINSIP BEBAS-AKTIF INDONESIA PADA PRESIDENSI G20 TAHUN 2022 Agus Nilmada Azmi; Raisya Bintang
Emerald: Journal of Economics and Social Sciences Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024): Emerald: Journal of Economics and Social Sciences
Publisher : Media Wawasan Ilmu Publishing

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Abstract

The Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs revealed that the polarization of the international structure and the conflict between Russia and Ukraine in January 2022 have become challenges in gaining consensus on various commitments for Indonesia's G20 presidency in 2022. The conflict also has the potential to reduce soft power in an attempt to build branding to achieve national interests. This research uses a literature study method through the analysis of foreign policy documents, official speeches, and various supporting documents that explain the steps implemented by the Indonesian government in the G20 Presidency. In the G20 Presidency, Indonesia applied the principle of free and active (Bebas- Aktif) in embracing every group, handling the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, and achieving various national interests. During the G20 Presidency, Indonesia also implemented a multilateral approach in order to promote regional stability by paying attention to cross-security issues and peace efforts. The implementation of the free-active principle in the G20 Presidency aims to fulfill Indonesia's national interest in the welfare of society.
STRATEGI ADAPTASI IKLIM UNI EROPA DI TENGAH TANTANGAN PERANG RUSIA-UKRAINA TAHUN 2022 Agus Nilmada Azmi; Siti Zulhaiziah Azalea Zahfira
Emerald: Journal of Economics and Social Sciences Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024): Emerald: Journal of Economics and Social Sciences
Publisher : Media Wawasan Ilmu Publishing

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Abstract

The Russia-Ukraine war of 2022 presents a significant challenge to the European Union's (EU) climate adaptation strategy. This article examines the implications of war on the EU's efforts to tackle climate change and highlights the need to achieve a sustainable energy security balance. This shift in coal use has a detrimental effect on climate adaptation and exacerbates the EU's vulnerability to climate change. To address these issues, the EU must redouble its efforts to prevent new security risks, seek sustainable energy alternatives, and strengthen international partnerships to support other countries in the energy transition. By taking these steps, the EU can navigate the complex landscape of energy security and sustainability while working to achieve its climate adaptation goals.
China's Geoeconomic Interests In The Us Via Byd's Export To Mexico, 2022-2024 Evan Andhika Suci; Rahmi Fitriyanti; Agus Nilmada Azmi
JURNAL ECONOMINA Vol. 5 No. 8 (2026): JURNAL ECONOMINA, Agustus 2026
Publisher : LPPM Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Ekonomi 45 Mataram

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.55681/economina.v5i8.3749

Abstract

The electric vehicle sector is a primary arena for geoeconomic competition between the United States and China. This study analyzes China's geoeconomic interests by examining the export strategy of the electric vehicle manufacturer BYD into Mexico from 2022 to 2024. Using a descriptive qualitative method with a case study design, this research determines that Mexico currently fulfills only two of the three structural elements of a geoeconomic bridging node. Contextual positioning is achieved through USMCA membership, and Mexico has consistently attracted Chinese foreign direct investment, but coupling practices are constrained by strict rules of origin and the Inflation Reduction Act's Foreign Entity of Concern exclusion. The third element, strategic relational proximity, is fragile: in April 2024, the Mexican federal government halted incentives for Chinese electric vehicle manufacturers following direct demands from the United States Trade Representative. BYD's export expansion is a rational corporate response to domestic overcapacity and international tariff barriers rather than a mandate from Beijing, though the framework of party-state capitalism shows that BYD's commercial success advances China's broader geoeconomic interests. These findings test the limits of the bridging node concept in Latin America when confronted with the defensive mechanisms of a hegemonic state.