Articles
<![CDATA[Keberhasilan Serikat Petani Indonesia dalam Perjuangan Hak Asasi Petani Tahun 2001 - 2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Mujahid Widian]]>;
<![CDATA[Nur Iman Subono]]>
<![CDATA[ JPPUMA: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik UMA (Journal of Governance and Political Social UMA) Vol 7, No 2 (2019): JPPUMA: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik UMA (Journal of Governance a ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Medan Area ]]>
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DOI: 10.31289/jppuma.v7i2.2575
<![CDATA[This study analyzes the success of the Indonesian Farmers Union (SPI) in the peasant rights struggle during 2001 - 2016. This study uses the social movement integration aprproach which is an attempt to synthesize three dimensions / approaches: the structure of political opportunity; structure of social mobilization; and cultural framing. This study uses qualitative research methods with study case approach. The research data is sourced from interviews and documents and literature related to this study. The analysis indicates that the success of SPI in peasant rights struggles in 2001 - 2018 can be seen from the ratification of 'Declaration Peasant Rights and Other People Working in Rural Area' or UNDROP at the International level. This success can’t be separated from the role of each dimension / approach, namely a combination of factors of political openness in Indonesia, the success of the SPI in networking alliances at various levels (local-international), and the construction of ideas on the rights of farmers that can be accepted universal.]]>
<![CDATA[Bentuk perlawanan perempuan melalui penulisan dalam album Dunia Milik Kita dan Salam Harapan ]]>
<![CDATA[Dyah Paramita Saraswati]]>;
<![CDATA[Nur Iman Subono]]>;
<![CDATA[Friska Melani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Humaniora Vol 26, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[LPPM UNY ]]>
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DOI: 10.21831/hum.v26i2.45473
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan bentuk perlawanan perempuan yang tersirat pada lirik lagu paduan suara Dialita. Data penelitian berupa satuan lingual berupa kata, frasa, klausa di dalam teks-teks lagu. Sumber data penelitian berupa lagu dari album dari Paduan Suara Dialita yang berjudul “Dunia Milik Kita” (10 lagu) dan “Salam Harapan” (12 lagu). Analisis data dilakukan secara deskriptif guna menganalisa isi lagu dari kedua album tersebut. Dari hasil kajian, banyak lirik menggambarkan kisah sejarah korban penyitas tahun 1965 dari sudut pandang perempuan sebagai tahanan politik. Pengungkapan harapan para perempuan dan usaha memperbaiki citra buruk perempuan bentukan propaganda Orde baru sebagai perempuan brutal dan dikaitkan dengan Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI). Lirik lagu ini juga mengungkapkan buah pikir dan suara hati perempuan melalui tulisan sebagai bentuk perlawanan baru yang dapat dilakukan oleh perempuan. Lagu-lagu itu membantu perempuan bertahan di masa-masa sulit di era tersebut. Meskipun lirik lagu membahas tentang perempuan, tokoh laki-laki tetap dihadirkan namun masih dari sudut pandang perempuan. The forms of women’s resistance through writing in Dunia Milik Kita and Salam Harapan albumsThis study aimed to describe the form of women’s resistance implied in the lyrics of the Dialita choir song. The research data were in the form of lingual units in words, phrases, clauses in song texts. The data sources are songs from the album of the Dialita Choir entitled “Dunia Milik Kita” (10 songs) and “Salam Harapan” (12 songs). The contents of the songs from the two albums were then analyzed descriptively. From the study, most of the lyrics describe the historical story of 1965 survivors from the perspective of women as political prisoners. They express women’s hopes and efforts to improve the wrong image of women formed by the New Order propaganda as brutal women and associated with the Indonesian Communist Party. The lyrics of this song also express the thoughts and voices of women’s hearts through writing as a new form of resistance that women can do. The songs helped women survive through difficult times of the era. Even though the song lyrics talk about women, the male characters are still presented from a woman’s point of view.]]>
<![CDATA[Women's Representation on Regional People's Representative Council Padang City in Society Homogeneity ]]>
<![CDATA[Lince Magriasti]]>;
<![CDATA[Nur Iman Subono]]>;
<![CDATA[Meidi Kosandi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 25, No 3 (2022): March ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/jsp.63161
<![CDATA[This research aims to describe the process of nominating women for political parties and the electability of women in the regional representative council Padang City as seen from the 2014 and 2019 elections. Using the concept of Pitkin's descriptive political representation simplified by Phillips as a politics of presence, this paper describes women's electability in the Padang legislature with homogeneous community conditions with majority ethnicity are Minangkabau. The presence of women candidates in the Padang City legislature has benefited from the economic conditions owned both individually and by families. Political factors also show that there's still the influence of family politics in the candidacy of women. The level of incumbent electability was high from the 2014 to 2019 elections, but in quantity, there was a decrease in women's representation in the Padang City legislature. Meanwhile, if we look at the homogeneity of the people in Padang, conditions also follow it in the Padang legislature, which is also filled with representatives of women from Minangkabau ethnicity. However, this community homogeneity does not increase women in political institutions.]]>
<![CDATA[Women Village Facilitator Action on Economic Revitalization of the Women's Group: a Case Study in 3 peatland villages, Central Kalimantan ]]>
<![CDATA[Nur Iman Subono]]>;
<![CDATA[Andi Misbahul Pratiwi]]>;
<![CDATA[Abby Gina Boangmanalu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Perempuan Vol. 25 No. 1 (2020): Women and Peatlands ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan ]]>
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DOI: 10.34309/jp.v25i1.412
<![CDATA[Peatlands play an important role in the ecological and economic aspects. Peatlands degradation in various regions in Indonesia brings economic issues, especially for women. The involvement of women in the peatland restoration program as a strategy needs to be reviewed. This research focuses on the involvement of women in the peatland restoration as a village facilitator, mainly on aspects of economic revitalization. This research focuses in 3 Villages in Central Kalimantan Province, Jabiren Village, Tumpang Nusa Village, and Gandang Barat Village. The main question of this research is how are the actions, challenges, and strategies experienced by women as village facilitators in the Desa Peduli Gambut program. Based on in-depth interviews with relevant actors and literature studies, this research finds, 1) the economic revitalization program conducted by women village facilitators build the economic resilience of rural women communities and changes the gender relations; 2) women village facilitators faced structural and cultural obstacles in their action; 3) the program is also the part of political actions for peatlands preservation.]]>
<![CDATA[Partisipasi Perempuan dalam Perhutanan Sosial: Studi Kasus di Lima Provinsi ]]>
<![CDATA[Abby Gina Boang Manalu]]>;
<![CDATA[Nur Iman Subono]]>;
<![CDATA[Retno Daru Dewi G. S. Putri]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Perempuan Vol. 27 No. 1 (2022): Women and Social Forestry ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan ]]>
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DOI: 10.34309/jp.v27i1.666
<![CDATA[Social Forestry (SF) is one of the government’s community-based forest management programs, which aims to balance environmental needs with the welfare of communities around the forest. However, in the program’s implementation, due to social norms and gender inequalities, women are often marginalized in access and management of SF. This study analyzes women’s participation in SF, primarily from the perspective and experience of women at the site level. This study used qualitative research; data mining was carried out through focus group discussions (FGD) and interviews with women at the site level and with assistance from civil society organizations (CSOs) in five provinces (Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, Bengkulu, West Kalimantan, Central Sulawesi, and West Papua). This study shows how cultural barriers affect the forms and good practices of women’s participation in SF and their impacts.]]>
<![CDATA[Pemikiran Politik Islam tentang Hubungan antar agama, negara dan kekuasaan ]]>
<![CDATA[Sofa Marwah]]>;
<![CDATA[Nur Iman Subono]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Politik dan Pemerintahan Vol 1, No 1 (2012): (Juli) Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.37058/jipp.v1i1.2250
<![CDATA[Tulisan ini tidak ditujukan untuk memberi jalan keluar bagi perdebatan mengenai hubungan antara negara atau kekuasaan dan Islam, namun hanya memetakan subtansi pemikiran-pemikiran mengenai hal tersebut sebagai kajian yang seolah tak berujung. Seperti diketahui, Islam memiliki konsep politik mengenai negara Islam. Setidaknya terdapat tiga aliran dalam memahami hal tersebut; Pertama, Islam merupakan satu agama yang sempurna dan mengatur semua aspek kehidupan manusia, termasuk kehidupanbernegara. ; Kedua, Islam merupakan agama dalam pengertian Barat yang tidak ada hubungannya dengan urusan kenegaraan; Ketiga, Islam bagi aliran ini mempunyai tata nilai etika bagi kehidupan bernegara, tetapi tidak mempunyai sistem ketatanegaraan. Keyakinan Islam adalah tunggal adanya, tapi di dalamnya, Islam adalah agama atau ajaran yang multitafsir, dan ini sangat membuka kemungkinan lahirnya begitu banyak penafsiran mengenainya.]]>
<![CDATA[#ReformasiDikorupsi: Emergence and Failure ]]>
<![CDATA[Luthfi Diar Adhipermana]]>;
<![CDATA[Nur Iman Subono]]>
<![CDATA[ Komunikologi: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Komunikasi dan Sosial Vol 6, No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial UIN Sumatera Utara Medan ]]>
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DOI: 10.30829/komunikologi.v6i1.10527
<![CDATA[AsbtrakSeptember 2019 menandai protes besar terhadap negara di Indonesia dan sering disebut sebagai protes terbesar sejak Reformasi, dari protes tersebut muncul #ReformasiDikorupsi, tetapi mereka gagal untuk mempertahankan resiliensi terhadap negara. Tulisan ini mencoba menjawab dua pertanyaan, pertama bagaimana dan mengapa #ReformasiDikorupsi muncul, kedua menapa #ReformasiDikorupsi gagal mempertahankan resiliensinya di hadapan negara. Tulisan ini akan menggunakan perspektif Teori Diskursus Politik dan Analisis Diskursus untuk menganalisa data guna menjawab dua pertanyaan di atas. Tulisan ini berargumen bahwa #ReformasiDikorupsi muncul dari tuntutan-tuntutan yang diabaikan oleh negara dan konstruksi #ReformasiDikorupsi dumungkinkan oleh satu kejadian dislokasi yang dapat dilihat sebagai upaya pelemahan KPK oleh negara dan rencana merevisi RKUHP yang secara langsung “mengancam” berbagai identitas. Kemudian, tulisan ini juga berargumen bahwa #ReformasiDikorupsi gagal mempertahankan resiliensinya karena hubungan mereka yang tidak jelas dan ambigu pada negara, atau hubungan antagonisme semu terhadap negaraAbstractSeptember 2019 marks a large mass protest towards the state in Indonesia and is often referred to as the largest mass protest since the Reformasi, from that mass protest #ReformasiDikorupsi emerges, yet it failed to maintain its resiliency to oppose the state. This article seeks to answer two questions, first how and why #ReformasiDikorupsi emerges, second why #ReformasiDikorupsi failed to maintain their resiliency towards the state. This article utilized the perspective of Political Discourse Theory and Discourse Analysis to analyze the data to answer those questions. This article argued that #ReformasiDikorupsi emerged from the demands that had been ignored by the state and the construction of #ReformasiDikorupsi made possible by a dislocation event which can be seen as an attempt to weaken KPK by the state and a plan to revise the criminal codebook which directly “threaten” vast amount of identity. Furthermore, this article also argued that #ReformasiDikorupsi failed to maintain their resiliency towards the state due to their unclear and ambiguous relation towards the state, or pseudo-antagonistic relationship towards the state.]]>
<![CDATA[Aktivis Feminis Akademik: Pengetahuan Perempuan untuk Resistensi, Harapan, dan Perubahan Sosial. Kontribusi Jurnal Perempuan dalam Membangun Diskursus Feminisme di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Retno Daru Dewi G. S. Putri]]>;
<![CDATA[Abby Gina Boang Manalu]]>;
<![CDATA[Nur Iman Subono]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Perempuan Vol. 27 No. 2 (2022): Indonesian Feminist Knowledge: Reflection, Action, and Praxis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan ]]>
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DOI: 10.34309/jp.v27i2.693
<![CDATA[From 1996 to 2021, Jurnal Perempuan has been disseminating feminist knowledge for 25 years. A total of 610 scientific papers have been published in 110 editions under 11 different main topics. In addition to feminist literature, which is published three times a year, Jurnal Perempuan’s research results also underlie a number of movements and advocacy in fighting for feminism and gender issues. The transformation of feminist theories into real practice is manifested in public discussions, collective actions, video documentaries, to the participation of Sahabat Jurnal Perempuan. This qualitative research aims to reflect on the publication of Jurnal Perempuan over the last 25 years and how Jurnal Perempuan turns academic research into activism against oppression and violence. Using the ethnography or autoethnography method, this paper will describe how Jurnal Perempuan implements feminist praxis in building a feminist discourse through feminist literature, education, advocacy, and solidarity.]]>
<![CDATA[Politik Elektoral Jakarta: Koalisi Buruh Jakarta dan Realisasi Politik Programatik ]]>
<![CDATA[Balik Ali Amiruddin]]>;
<![CDATA[Nur Iman Subono]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Hasan Syamsudin]]>
<![CDATA[ INDONESIAN GOVERNANCE JOURNAL : KAJIAN POLITIK-PEMERINTAHAN Vol 3 No 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pancasakti Tegal ]]>
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DOI: 10.24905/igj.3.2.2020.%p
<![CDATA[Tujuan penulisan ini adalah untuk menganalisa bagaimana pola electoral engagement dan realisasi politik programatik yang dilakukan Koalisi Buruh Jakarta (KBJ) pada saat dan sesudah pemilihan Gubernur DKI Jakarta tahun 2017. Analisis kami membuktikan bahwa adanya policy broker, kesamaan program-program antara kontrak politik buruh-kandidat serta kolaborasi dan konsolidasi yang sistemik lintasfederasi/serikat merupakan faktor-faktor pendukung terjadinya kontrak politik antara KBJ dan pasangan kandidat. Kandidat menjanjikan realisasi program-program kontrak politik apabila terpilih, sedangkan KBJ bersedia menjadi mesin politik kandidat yang otonom selama pemilihan kepala daerah di Jakarta berlangsung. Setelah kandidat terpilih, realisasi kontrak politik didistribusikan secara kolaboratif oleh kelompok buruh-Pemerintah Daerah DKI Jakarta. Distribusi politik tidak hanya ditujukan kepada para pekerja yang mendukung kandidat, namun juga para pekerja yang tidak mendukung kandidat serta kelompok lain di luar kelompok buruh. Artikel ini berargumen bahwa kontrak politik yang identik dengan pertukaran yang partikularistik antara kandidat dan pemilih dalam politik kontemporer di Indonesia tidak terjadi di studi kasus ini sedangkan distribusi politik secara programatik efektif dilakukan oleh kelompok buruh di tengah fregmentasi politik lintas federasi dan reformasi elektoral di Indonesia.]]>
