Jurnal Penelitian Politik
Jurnal Pusat Penelitian Politik-Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia (P2Politik-LIPI) merupakan media pertukaran pemikiran mengenai masalah-masalah strategis yang terkait dengan bidang-bidang politik nasional, lokal, dan internasional; khususnya mencakup berba-gai tema seperti demokratisasi, pemilihan umum, konflik, otonomi daerah, pertahanan dan keamanan, politik luar negeri dan diplomasi, dunia Islam serta isu-isu lain yang memiliki arti strategis bagi bangsa dan negara Indonesia.
Articles
560 Documents
<![CDATA[POLITIK LUAR NEGERI INDONESIA DAN LINGKUNGAN HIDUP ]]>
<![CDATA[Wuryandari, Ganewati]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 8, No 1 (2011): Menggugat Politik Parlemen ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (1001.203 KB)
|
DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v8i1.482
<![CDATA[Environmental issue has become an important topic in today s internationalpolitical dynamics Environmentaldegradation cause byphenomenon ofglobal warming and climate change has become a serious globalproblem Inthe future the continuing of the problems may befar reaching impact on sustainability of the lives and survivalofall people in the world Therefore the environment issues is supposed to be reflected in state policy which noexception in Indonesia sforeign policy International cooperation is a rational solutionforfinding the way out oftheexisting environmentalproblems In the terms of cooperation states which represented by government is not only thedriving actors in the stage but there are other actors such as NGOs international organizations and multinationalcompanies MNCs that take part in managing the environmental crisis This study examines Indonesian foreignpolicy in addressing environmental issues especially global warming and climate change This studyfocuses itstime limitfrom 1972 until 2009 This study is qualitative research with its data is obtained through literature andfield research The result ofthis study shows that although Indonesian government shows its commitment to environmental issues in theforeignpolicy this study underlines the contradiction between rhetoric and implementationThis contradiction reflects dilemma ofrealism and idealism in Indonesiaforeign policy]]>
<![CDATA[KEGAGALAN PARTAI POLITIK MENARIK SIMPATI RAKYAT: Urgensi Sebuah Paradigma Baru Partai Politik ]]>
<![CDATA[Noor, Firman]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 4, No 1 (2007): Demokrasi Mati Suri ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (853.656 KB)
|
DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v4i1.447
<![CDATA[This paper encourages political parry to take into account a new paradigm in conducting their activities in Indonesia today. By emphasizing the importance ofcareness and the commitment ofserving people, as the essence ofthe new paradigm for political parties, this paper believe that this paradigm is actually in line with the spirit of the national political history and a contemporary understanding of politics. This paper considers that this paradigm is important to enhance the relation between people and the political party also, to regain the trust of the people, which in the end will preserve the existence ofdemocracy in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Belanda dan Indonesia dalam Sengketa Irian Barat, 1949-1950: Sebuah Kajian Historis ]]>
<![CDATA[Ahmed, Siswanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 2, No 1 (2005): Politik Pemerintahan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (323.621 KB)
|
DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v2i1.402
<![CDATA[This article would like to understand the history of diplomacy ofDutch and Indonesia in West Papua dispute in 1949 to 1950. According to historical documents, West Papua dispute has begun since Round Table Conference in 1949. In that Conference, the delegation of Dutch and Indonesian agreed to renegotiate West Papua problem one year after the Conference. In April 1950, Dutch and Indonesia negotiated the problem in Jakarta, but both countries could not produce a significant commitment. In December 1950 Dutch and Indonesia held a Special Conference in Hague in order to solve the problem, but once again they are failed. The peace proposal which is introduced by both countries is so contradicted one another. At last, West Papua dispute could not be negotiated successfully because Dutch did not have serious intention to transfer West Papua to Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[PERAN INDONESIA DALAM PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA LAUT TIONGKOK SELATAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Raharjo, Sandy Nur Ikfal]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 11, No 2 (2014): Tantangan Politik Lokal Pasca SBY ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (399.099 KB)
|
DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v11i2.201
<![CDATA[Sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan merupakan tantangan bagi stabilitas kawasan, termasuk Indonesia, yangsedang menyongsong Abad Asia. Sengketa ini menjadi ancaman bagi pertahanan Indonesia karena lokasi yangdiperebutkan berada di dekat perbatasan Indonesia. Selain itu, sengketa ini juga menjadi salah satu isu politik yangmenjadi ganjalan di ASEAN. Oleh karena itu, Indonesia, baik dalam posisi sebagai negara yang memperjuangkankepentingannya maupun sebagai pemimpin alami ASEAN, berupaya menyelesaikan sengketa tersebut melaluijalan damai. Tulisan ini berfokus pada dua hal, yaitu bagaimana gambaran umum dari sengketa Laut TiongkokSelatan sehingga menjadi potensi ancaman bagi kepentingan nasional Indonesia dan bagaimana peran Indonesiadalam upaya penyelesaian sengketa tersebut. Melalui metode studi pustaka, tulisan ini menemukan bahwa sengketaini secara umum berada dalam tahap polarisasi, bahkan untuk hubungan Tiongkok-Vietnam sudah masuk tahapsegregasi. Kemudian, peran Indonesia masih dalam tingkat pengelolaan konflik. Hal ini disebabkan oleh hambataninternal berupa posisi tawar Indonesia yang relatif lebih lemah dibanding negara yang bersengketa maupun hambataneksternal berupa perbedaan pendekatan penyelesaian dan keterlibatan pihak-pihak asing yang turut memperkeruhdinamika sengketa.Kata Kunci: ASEAN, Laut Tiongkok Selatan, peran Indonesia, penyelesaian secara damai.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran Elit Lokal dalarn Reintegrasi Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) Pasca MoU Helsinki ]]>
<![CDATA[Basyar, M. Hamdan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 5, No 1 (2008): Problematika Reformasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (1258.625 KB)
|
DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v5i1.506
<![CDATA[Reintegration is not an easy task There are economics politics social and psychological problems from ex combatants when they have to reintegrate with its societies Due to the complexities of reintegration problems it needs comprehensive continued and synergy cooperation among them From field research there are some conditions that need to be addressed in order to create a good reintegration program Firsth it needs to create conditions that could build integrative behaviour from some groups towards implementation of Helsinki MoU Secondly it needs to build democracy infrastructure at local level as instrument of transfunction conflict Thirdly it needs central government consistency towards integration implementation with economic basis through some programs that could transform conflict from armed conflict into political struggle Fourthly it needs to strengthen the infrastructure ofreintegration implementer institution and also to prepare transfer ofresponsibilities from central to local government Fifthly all of stakeholders in Aceh need to be endorsed to actively participate in the reintegration program in order to create a permanent conflict resolution Sixthly the reintegration program need to be built continously not only limited to compensation find In this sense the program do not act as charity but as for strengthening the economic of ex combatants and other conflict vitims The program was hoped to overcome poverty and can be implemented continously Therefore it would need an independent controller institution in order to have an appropriate reintegration program.]]>
<![CDATA[DINAMIKA PERBATASAN WILAYAH LAUT DI SELAT MALAKA SINGAPURA ]]>
<![CDATA[Irewati, Awani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 8, No 2 (2011): Membaca Arah Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (1258.896 KB)
|
DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v8i2.472
<![CDATA[Strait ofMalacca Singapore is still taken into account in international trade and shipping lane Externally three littoral states Malaysia Indonesia and Singapore are parties that govern security and safety ofshipping lane in Strait ofMalacca Singapore according to traffic separation scheme TSS and the Mandatory Ship Reporting System in the Straits ofMalacca and Singapore Straitrep Strait ofMalacca Singapore has different meaningforthe three littoral states especially between Singapore on one side and Malaysia plus Indonesia on the other sideSignificance ofStrait ofMalacca Singaporefor Singapore is caught throughfree transit approach while Malaysiaand Indonesia get its significance through innocent passage approach But there is still another transit passageapproach that can become middle way in solving the differences Even so internally the three littoral states havenot yet solve their maritime boundary problems thoroughly Settlement ofmaritime boundary issues and agreementamong the three countries are very important because the boundary is located in international trade andshipping lane In the future the meaning ofStrait ofMalacca Singapore for the three countries is still very important fortheir national interest and the problem that exist among them is part ofdynamics ofStrait ofMalacca Singaporeneighbourhood]]>
<![CDATA[HUBUNGAN PERBATASAN ANTARA THAILAND DAN MALAYSIA: KERJASAMA PERBATASAN DAN LINTAS BATAS ILEGAL1 ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahman, Agus Rubianto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 10, No 2 (2013): Presiden yang Presidensiil ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (439.656 KB)
|
DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v10i2.438
<![CDATA[Penelitian yang berjudul “Kerjasama Perbatasan Thailand-Malaysia dalam Mengatasi Ilegal BorderCrossing,†mencoba untuk menganalisis upaya-upaya kedua negara yang berbatasan ini untuk menegakkan fungsiperbatasannya dalam mengatasi aktivitas lalu lintas perbatasan yang ilegal. Fungsi perbatasan antara Thailanddan Malaysia bersifat distintegratif yang diwarnai oleh pada satu sisi konflik internal antara pemerintah Thailanddengan empat provinsi Muslim di Thailand Selatan, dan pada sisi yang lain, kedekatan masyarakat Muslim disepanjang perbatasan Thailand-Malaysia. Hasil analisisnya menunjukkan bahwa kerjasama perbatasan keduanegara dilakukan baik secara bilateral dan multilateral dalam konteks ASEAN. Kerjasama bilateral tampaknyabelum maksimal untuk mengatasi aktivitas lintas batas yang ilegal, sedangkan kedua negara mendukung kerjasamamultilateral dalam konteks ASEAN dalam hal masalah kejahatan transnasional. Baik Thailand maupun Malaysiatidak bermaksud untuk membawa masalah-masalah perbatasan yang lain di luar konteks bilateral kedua negara.Kata kunci: Hubungan Perbatasan, Kerjasama Perbatasan, Lintas Perbatasan Ilegal]]>
<![CDATA[Pemilih â€Hijau†di Kota Santri: Kasus Pemilu 2004 di Pekalongan ]]>
<![CDATA[Basyar, M. Hamdan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 1, No 1 (2004): Pemilu Legislatif 2004 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (529.369 KB)
|
DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v1i1.373
<![CDATA[The victory ofthe political party that carries the Islamic symbol or well known as the "green" (this is not to be confused with the green politics in ecological term) in the 2004 election in Pekalongan Regency, can not directly be implied that they will propose the "green" symbol (it is just like Islamic sharia, etc). The Pekalongan people and their influential leaders are more pragmatic to their interests than imposing the "green" politics. Furthermore, the Green didn't absolutely win in the local parliament. It has only a few more number than the "red" and "yellow" symbols. This means that the Green solidity is still questioned. A similar event of200I -when the election ofthe Mayor and the Deputy of Mayor was taken place- could happen again. In that time the Green was fragmented, fighting with their own individual or party interests. Therefore, the Pekalongan people needs to prove that their city deserve a called "the Santri City" -a city o f Islamic scholar-. The victory of the political party with the Green symbol doesn't have any effect yet, without real implementation in their daily life.]]>
<![CDATA[REKONSTRUKSI SISTEM PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR DAN PEMILIHAN BUPATI/ WALIKOTA DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Kristiyanto, Eko Noer]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 12, No 2 (2015): Politik dan Kebijakan Publik: Perspektif Teori dan Praktis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (290.818 KB)
|
DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v12i2.539
<![CDATA[ Local elections are meant to elect the provincial governors and regents/mayors in the district/city. Filling the post of the head of the region at the provincial level is the same as charging regional head office in the city district, which is elected directly by the people. In Indonesia, the enforcement of government embraces the principles of decentralization, deconcentration, and assistance mandate. Deconcentration and assistance mandate are conducted since not all authorities and administration tasks can be performed by using the principle of decentralization. Decentralization is simply defined as delegation of authority. While deconcentration is the delegation of authority from central government to governor as government’s representative in the province. Given the differences in the position of the provincial and district/city as well as the difference between the role of governors and regents/mayors, must the implementatiom of local elections be the same among regions?. This paper explains that the elections in the province should be indirect, on the other hand, direct elections must be maintained at the district/city level. There will be many positive things if these two mechanisms are implemented. These mechanisms also do not contradict to the constitution.Keywords: local government, district head, deconcentration, decentralization. ]]>
<![CDATA[MENELAAH POLITIK LUAR NEGERI INDONESIA DALAM MENYIKAPI ISU PERDAGANGAN MANUSIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Wuryandari, Ganewati]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 8, No 2 (2011): Membaca Arah Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (1314.992 KB)
|
DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v8i2.462
<![CDATA[Human trafficking remains one of the serious problemsfor Indonesia It reflects the problem oftrafficking asit is a source transit and destination state This demands stronger and more active measuresfrom the governmentto prevent and eliminate this problem How the Indonesian foreign policy to tackle the issue is the main focuss of this paper Indeed Indonesia has carried out multiple efforts to prevent and eradicate trafficking through itspolicydiplomacy and international cooperations However the problem oftrafficking continues to grow Its efforts there fore did notfully success This paper argues that human trafficking is not only a matter offoreign policy Addressing the root causes oftrafficking is also important to prevent and eradicate trafficking especially considering thedomestic and global natures of the problem]]>
