TRANSBORDERS: International Relations Journal
TransBORDERS: Internasional Relations Journal is a periodical international relations journal that is published twice a year (December and June). TransBORDERS: Internasional Relations Journal is managed and published by Laboratory of International Relations,Department, of International Relations Univesrsitas Pasundan Bandung.
TransBORDERS: Internasional Relations Journal can be a reference and literature source for academician in International Relations area as it consists of articles and research reports on International Relations Issues. Articles and research reports are written by academicians, reserarchers, or students who are expert on its field like Security Studies, International Political Economy, International Regime, International Organization, Gender and International Relations, Diplomacy, Media and International Relations, etc.
Articles
85 Documents
<![CDATA[Understanding the Movement of Suku Anak Dalam Bathin Sembilan Against Land Conflict with PT. Asiatic Persada in Jambi Through Social Movement Theory ]]>
<![CDATA[Tiffany Setyo Pratiwi]]>
<![CDATA[ TRANSBORDERS: International Relations Journal Vol 2 No 1 (2018): TransBorders: International Relations Journal ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Pasundan ]]>
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DOI: 10.23969/transborders.v2i1.859
<![CDATA[The land conflict between Suku Anak Dalam Bathin Sembilan and PT. Asiatic Persada had occurred since 1987. This conflict occurred because of PT. Asiatic Persada has occupied 3.550 hectares of Suku Anak Dalam Bathin Sembilan’s land. This paper will analyze how the movement of Suku Anak Dalam Bathin Sembilan who lived in Bungku Village, Batanghari, Jambi to struggle their land. This study uses the social movement theory that explains three phases of movements, such as the interest phase, the protest phase, and perspective phase. The author uses a qualitative method and the data are taken from interviews and literature study. This study found that the beginning movement of Suku Anak Dalam Bathin Sembilan was very intense with the support of local and international Non-Governmental organizations, then the movement built a sustainable strategy in the protest phase. Unfortunately, that strong movement has split into two in the perspective phase.]]>
<![CDATA[Kode Operasional Erdogan Berkaitan Dengan Kebijakan Luar Negeri Turki Terhadap Suriah ]]>
<![CDATA[Umar Muizzul Islam]]>;
<![CDATA[Chandra Purnama]]>
<![CDATA[ TRANSBORDERS: International Relations Journal Vol 2 No 1 (2018): TransBorders: International Relations Journal ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Pasundan ]]>
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DOI: 10.23969/transborders.v2i1.968
<![CDATA[This study was conducted to find out Turkish foreign policy towards Syria influenced by the cognitive aspects of Erdogan. This study aims to analyze how the philosophical beliefs and instrumental beliefs that Erdogan has associated with Turkey's foreign policy towards Syria in solving the Kurdish separatist problem. This study uses an operational code approach, where there are two types of beliefs that can influence individual decision making, namely philosophical beliefs and instrumental beliefs. The operational code was used to review how Erdogan's confidence affected Turkey's foreign policy towards Syria. This study also uses qualitative research by examining the consistency between operational code and the content of the policy it takes. The findings of this study show that Erdogan's various philosophical and instrumental beliefs influence foreign policy.]]>
<![CDATA[PERLINDUNGAN HAK ASASI MANUSIA PENGUNGSI LINTAS BATAS DI RUMAH DETENSI IMIGRASI (RUDENIM) INDONESIA (Studi kasus: Rudenim Surabaya) ]]>
<![CDATA[Apriadi Apriadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Nur Rachmat Yuliantoro]]>
<![CDATA[ TRANSBORDERS: International Relations Journal Vol 2 No 1 (2018): TransBorders: International Relations Journal ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Pasundan ]]>
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DOI: 10.23969/transborders.v2i1.1133
<![CDATA[This study aims to look at the dynamics in the process of deteni handling (refugees and asylum seekers) to the protection of human rights in immigration detention. The case study is taken from Surabaya immigration detention (Rudenim). The researcher uses 7 (seven) indicators to notice the handling of the deteni seen from the aspect of human rights protection for deteni in Rudenim, namely the fulfillment of the right to life (for food), the fulfillment of the right to get clothing (clothes), fulfillment of the right to religious practice, fulfillment of the right to access health services, fulfillment of the right to education, the fulfillment of the right to the activity and recreation as well as the fulfillment of the right for deteni with special needs. Meanwhile, the researcher also looks at supporting and inhibiting factors from internal and external sides in the fulfillment of human rights in Rudenim. However, despite Rudenim Surabaya has some inhibiting factors in the fulfillment of human rights for deteni, Rudenim Surabaya can provide protection of human rights for deteni pretty well.]]>
<![CDATA[Perubahan Sikap Tiongkok atas Resolusi DK PBB 2270 tentang Nuklir Korea Utara Tahun 2016 ]]>
<![CDATA[Ruhmiyati Ruhmiyati]]>;
<![CDATA[Indrawati Indrawati]]>
<![CDATA[ TRANSBORDERS: International Relations Journal Vol 2 No 1 (2018): TransBorders: International Relations Journal ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Pasundan ]]>
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DOI: 10.23969/transborders.v2i1.1136
<![CDATA[This research raised about China’s foreign policy to the nuclear issue of North Korea. The writers questioned why China approves Resolution 2270 the year of 2016 that emphasizes economic sanctions for North Korea firmly. In answering the question of research, the writers focused on the concept of foreign policy decision making Richard Snyder to analyze the decision making process in China to the Resolution 2270 with qualitative research methods and explanative data presentation. The hypothesis submitted by researchers is the stance of China in approving the Resolution 2270 cannot be released from internal factors and external factors considered by the decision maker in actualizing image of China as the Responsible Great Power and strategic culture that makes China prefer solution North Korea nuclear issues through the mechanism of the UNSC. The decision of China to the resolution of the UNSC 2270 intimately connected with the actualization of the image of China as a Responsible Great Power and the strategic culture of the Chinese defensive, non-intervention and a preference for the multilateralism.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran ECPAT dalam Menangani Child Sex Tourism di Indonesia (Studi Kasus: Bali) ]]>
<![CDATA[Alwafi Ridho Subarkah]]>
<![CDATA[ TRANSBORDERS: International Relations Journal Vol 2 No 1 (2018): TransBorders: International Relations Journal ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Pasundan ]]>
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DOI: 10.23969/transborders.v2i1.1148
<![CDATA[This Bali tourism is experiencing an increase in annual tourist visits from various countries. However, it is also a threat to children from sexual exploitation whose perpetrators are foreign tourists who visit to have sexual relations with children. Various modes such as providing basic needs of children, as well as living with family to gain trust from the family become a gap for sexual harassment. This research is a qualitative study to determine the role of End Child Prostitution and Trafficking (ECPAT) as an organization that focuses on protecting children from various sexual crimes, such as child sex tourism in Bali, using the concept of international organizations and the concept of child sex tourism. Thus, this study resulted in the role of ECPAT in combating sexual exploitation of children, namely; do advocacy, socialization, rehabilitation, and research related to child sex tourism in Bali. However, it has not been fully successful because of the lack of public awareness of child sexual abuse, and lack of government commitment in law enforcement.]]>
<![CDATA[Penyelesaian Sengketa Perbatasan Yang Ditinjau Melalui Implementasi Border Crossing Agreement Antara Indonesia-Filipina (Studi Kasus Pulau Miangas, Sulawesi Utara) ]]>
<![CDATA[Sitti Navisah Muhidi]]>
<![CDATA[ TRANSBORDERS: International Relations Journal Vol 2 No 2 (2019): TransBorders: International Relations Journal ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Pasundan ]]>
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DOI: 10.23969/transborders.v2i2.1517
<![CDATA[Attention to the brightest and outermost islands of Indonesia must be increased even more considering the cases of sipadan and ligits that Malaysia successfully claimed in 2002, similar things do not want to be done for other small islands such as islands in North Sulawesi Indonesia and directly adjacent to the Philippines. By using descriptive, qualitative study methods, the confidential information of cross-border agreements (borders of the Transboundary Agreement) between Indonesia and the Philippines, especially on the island of Miangas, is an example of a dispute that can be clarified through the legal certainty of international Albitration.]]>
<![CDATA[Perbandingan Diplomasi Ekonomi Indonesia dan India di Kawasan Afrika ]]>
<![CDATA[Tine Ratna Poerwantika]]>;
<![CDATA[Alisa Kotwhani]]>
<![CDATA[ TRANSBORDERS: International Relations Journal Vol 2 No 2 (2019): TransBorders: International Relations Journal ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Pasundan ]]>
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DOI: 10.23969/transborders.v2i2.1753
<![CDATA[Recently, economic diplomacy has been a vital aspect in the relation between countries. State mostly carry through the economic diplomacy to increase the trade and also attempt to entering new market as the international dynamics filled by protectionsim measures. African countries then developed to what called as emerging economy market and being most intended destination to economic diplomacy practice. Meanwhile, Indonesia and India who have historical relations within the Conference of Asia and Africa also oriented their interest to the region. This paper then examines how is the economic diplomacy practice in both countries to Africa.]]>
<![CDATA[Kepentingan Indonesia Terhadap One Belt One Road (OBOR) Dalam Upaya Mewujudkan Poros Maritim Dunia ]]>
<![CDATA[Kris Naning Soviyaningsih]]>
<![CDATA[ TRANSBORDERS: International Relations Journal Vol 2 No 2 (2019): TransBorders: International Relations Journal ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Pasundan ]]>
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DOI: 10.23969/transborders.v2i2.1521
<![CDATA[This research figures out the national interest of Indonesian State regarding to One Belt One Road policy initiated by Tiongkok in realizing Indonesian as Global Maritime Fulcurm. The research discusses the problem of foreign policy of Indonesian while as a part of the OBOR initiative to fulfill national interest as a country that has become Global Maritime Fulcurm. The research utilizes in descriptive qualitative research metode along with documentation studies and use concept of foreign policy from the country to seeing the cooperation between Indonesia and Tiongkok. Through this cooperation, OBOR has a role in realizing Indonesian’s foreign policy as Global Maritime Fulcurm.]]>
<![CDATA[Dampak Kebijakan Moneter Tiongkok Terhadap ACFTA dan Integrasi Ekonomi Negara ASEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Afi Syahrin]]>;
<![CDATA[Ilham Rama Dhani]]>;
<![CDATA[Mauana Maulid]]>
<![CDATA[ TRANSBORDERS: International Relations Journal Vol 2 No 2 (2019): TransBorders: International Relations Journal ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Pasundan ]]>
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DOI: 10.23969/transborders.v2i2.1551
<![CDATA[ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement or abbreviated (ACFTA) is the most influential economic integration agreement in the Southeast Asia region. This study aims to determine the impact of the ACFTA on ASEAN Economic Integration and Chinese monetary policy. AFCTA is the largest free trade area in the world in terms of population size and the third largest in terms of trade volume. The results of this study indicate that China's monetary policy in 2013-2014 negatively affected trade in the ACFTA Region due to deficits in the trade balance of Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand to China, which caused a decline in overall ACFTA economic growth in 2015. The study also showed a relationship between the conditions of China's domestic economy, American hegemony in the East and Southeast Asia Region through the Trans-Pacific Partnership and China's efforts to include Yuan in the IMF's Special Drowing Rights basket, with China's monetary policy strategy. To achieve the objectives referred to above, the research method that I use is the type of research. Descriptive-Analytic. The data collection technique used by the author is library. The author analyzes the data using qualitative analysis techniques supported by quantitative data, and for discussion of the problem the author uses deductive writing techniques.]]>
<![CDATA[Kerjasama Indonesia dengan China Terhadap Impor Buah Jeruk ]]>
<![CDATA[Karina Saphira]]>
<![CDATA[ TRANSBORDERS: International Relations Journal Vol 2 No 2 (2019): TransBorders: International Relations Journal ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Pasundan ]]>
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DOI: 10.23969/transborders.v2i2.1310
<![CDATA[This researcher focuses on the relations between countries in the world in the era of globalization in the field of economics, especially trade. Trade activities between countries occur because of the need to meet the market needs of a product, especially citrus fruits from a country because these products cannot be met by domestic production such as Indonesia and China. The fulfillment of the need for these products is done by importing from those countries that produce more of these products. Consumption of citrus fruits in each country is different, for citrus consumption in Indonesia, based on the results of IPB orange Agribusiness Design and Analysis research, estimates of citrus consumption in Indonesia amounted to 1000 tons in 2015. This need cannot be fulfilled due to the production of local citrus in Indonesia amounting to 1611, 784 tons in 2012. Therefore, to meet the needs of oranges in Indonesia, imports were made from China.]]>
