Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review
Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review is political science's premier scholarly research journal on Indonesian politics, providing peer-reviewed articles and review essays from subfields throughout the discipline. Areas covered: local politics, ethics and politics, public policy, and others. Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review has published continuously since 2016 with registered number ISSN 2477-8060 (print), ISSN 2503-4456 (online). Published by Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang in cooperation with The Indonesian Inter-University Association for Political Science (APSIPOL).
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281 Documents
<![CDATA[Political Identity and Citizenship Participation (Representatives) in Politics by Minangkabau Women in Post-2019 Election ]]>
<![CDATA[Chairiyah, Sri Zul]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 1 (2020): Democracy and Citizenship in Post 2019 Election ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i1.21725
<![CDATA[This research aimed to describe the identity politics and citizenship of Minangkabau women, towards the political participation (representation) of Minangkabau women in the post-2019 election. Minangkabau women have 2 identities, in adat (matrilineal system) women have rights that are equal to men in decision making, while in religion (patrilineal system), women are not one of the main elements in decision making. In citizenship, community still applies a patriarchal culture that is rooted and dominates. These two identities have a major influence on the political representation of Minangkabau women, where identity politics and citizenship are attempts to understand the relationship of these two concepts to the involvement of Minangkabau women in political representation in each election. The research used aqualitative method with individual analysis. This research was conducted in West Sumatra Province. These two factors influence the political representation of Minangkabau women in West Sumatra. The temporary conclusion showed that the low political representation of Minangkabau women in legislative institutions is not because of identity politics but because of patriarchal culture is still rooted and dominates in the community especially in West Sumatra.]]>
<![CDATA[The Securitization of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Rikza, Ayu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 2 (2020): General Issue: Indonesian Politics ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.21712
<![CDATA[Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) is a community organization that was born from the resistance of the Islamic community against Western occupation. Western values that hegemony national and state life are currently considered by HTI to be highly irrelevant to Islamic values. In addition, deteriorating national political conditions are perceived by HTI as a result of the failure of the Western system in Indonesia, so to resolve the issue there needs efforts to return Muslims to an Islamic system based on the Qur'an and Sunnah. By the Indonesian government, the ideas and solutions envisioned by HTI are considered to threaten national security which is referenced to Pancasila as the idea of state and community harmonization as the physical base of state. HTI construction as a threat that led to the dissolution of HTI on July 19, 2017 is a form of securitization carried out by the Indonesian government. This paper tries to explain how and why the securitization process was carried out and what the impact of HTI securitization itself was in Indonesian politics. This study seeks to fill the gap that previous research regarding how non-state actors play a major role in the HTI securitization process and how HTI securitization is a turning point for efforts to politicize and securitize other Indonesia's so-called radical communities after the PERPPU ORMAS.]]>
<![CDATA[Contending Views and Power Struggle within Islam: The Clash of Religious Discourse and Citizenship in Contemporary Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Makhasin, Luthfi]]>;
<![CDATA[Sugiarto, Bowo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.25692
<![CDATA[In the last 20 years, the ‘conservative turn’ toward overtly Islamic identity in Indonesia paved the way for raising political Islamism. This political Islamism aspires to the continuing Islamization, implementation of sharia, and even the establishment of a global caliphate. Emerging Islamist forces such as Front Pembela Islam, Jemaah Tarbiyah, and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia along with the conservative turn, therefore, pose the normative-political challenges to both republican and liberal notions of citizenship. This paper deals with the question of religion and citizenship under the democratic space in contemporary Indonesia. By examining three variants of Islamic citizenship, religion vigilant, pragmatic, and rejectionist citizenship, this paper tries to address the following question: to what extent Islamism challenges the discourse of citizenship in contemporary Indonesia? We argue that while Islamism apparently rises and gains followers, the state and mainstream Muslim organizations (Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah), and their emphasis on Pancasila and commitment to NKRI successfully manage to reconcile Islam and citizenship under democratic space.]]>
<![CDATA[Credit Union-based Democracy at the Border of Indonesia in the Global Economic Era ]]>
<![CDATA[Elyta, Elyta]]>;
<![CDATA[Zulkarnaen, Zulkarnaen]]>;
<![CDATA[Herlan, Herlan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 2 (2020): General Issue: Indonesian Politics ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.23264
<![CDATA[This research was conducted to design a Credit Union (CU) based democracy model at the Indonesia border especially the Sajingan Besar border facing the global economic era. This was done as an effort to improve the economy and minimize poverty. This study's location is in the border area of Sambas Regency to be precise in Sajingan Besar District because it is directly adjacent to the neighboring country so that it is a specific area. Still, the city is included in the underdeveloped category. Previous research that has been researched previously examined the importance of having women join CU business institutions using the perspective of women's emancipation in West Kalimantan. There is a novelty in this research, namely, discussing it from deliberative-participatory democracy based on CU at the border in the global economic era. Methods of data collection in this study using interview techniques, observation, and study documentation. Informants were determined using a purposive technique. Based on these techniques, the informants in this study were the Head of the Sajingan Besar sub-district, community leaders, youth leaders, administrators of CU Bonaventura, members of CU Bonaventura, and Chairman of the West Kalimantan Border Forum. The analysis used is using qualitative analysis. The study results found that to minimize poverty that occurs in border area communities, it is necessary to implement democracy based on CU as an effort to improve the community's economy in the era of the global economy by utilizing natural resources. This CU-based deliberative-participatory democracy is proven through deliberation and participation by members who prioritize member empowerment and the political inclusion of CU members.]]>
<![CDATA[Candidacy Transformation as Electability Factor of the Legislative Candidate from Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Legislative Election 2004-2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Ummah, Siti Muslikhatul]]>;
<![CDATA[Rivai, Ardian Bakhtiar]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.21963
<![CDATA[This article discusses candidacy transformation which is previously characterized as inclusive-exclusive to inclusive-pragmatic of Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS) in the legislative election. The argument is based on the woman candidacy processes of PKS legislative candidates within different legislative election periods namely 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2019. Based on the collected data, the 2009 General Election is the momentum where the most significant legislative seats are acquired by female candidates compared to the other three legislative elections. That phenomenon is this study’s starting point in this article that explores the factors of PKS woman candidate electability, which are each candidate’s social and political capital. This article's conceptual framework is the narration of male power relation as the effort to win seats for PKS woman legislative candidates, which is obtained from the relation with local elites in their respective areas in the 2019 General Election. In contrast to the three previous general elections, the PKS woman legislative candidate electability was sourced from their political and organizational experience and social network in the society. Through a qualitative case study, this article uses interviews as the primary data source, while related documentation and publication as secondary data.]]>
<![CDATA[Local People's Political Thought Against Changes in Elite Political Decrees of the Ruler ]]>
<![CDATA[Hadiati, Tri Lestari]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Darmawan Tri Budi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.26577
<![CDATA[Local people in the North Semarang area continue to aggregate and articulate critical political thoughts, pressing political thinking, and having a strong influence on the ruling elite's political decisions in the city of Semarang. This has been done by local people starting in 2004 until now—for example, Kanjengan Mall in the Johar market area, which investors from PT contracted. Pagar Gunung Kencana, in 2004 has expired. However, Jamaah Peduli Dugder in the North Semarang who always monitor the area say, there is still a development of the Johar market area, the Kauman area, and Malay villages that are not right and lack the attention of local elites and slow development. This research problem formulation is how does the community build the strength of its political thinking? The purpose of this study is to analyze the results of local people's political thinking on changes in elite political decisions and to analyze them with the approach of the power of civil society. This research's methodology was qualitative methodology, which was supplemented by descriptive analysis, including conducting in-depth interviews. In addition to primary data collection, secondary data collection from relevant documents was then analyzed. The conclusion of the political thinking of the local community on the Dugderan tradition is very strong. This resulted in a change in the political decisions of the elite who were then pro-local people.]]>
<![CDATA[Disaster Response in Indonesia: Initiating Income Tax Policy Pro Disaster Mitigation ]]>
<![CDATA[Dubelmar, Dini]]>;
<![CDATA[Dwi Kartini, Made Astrin]]>;
<![CDATA[Mareli, Sabila]]>;
<![CDATA[Murwendah, Murwendah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 2 (2020): General Issue: Indonesian Politics ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.21363
<![CDATA[As a country with high potential for natural disaster, Indonesia can suffer from economic disruptions arising from significant decline in gross domestic income (GDP) due to financing losses caused by natural disaster. To reduce the risk of loss caused by natural disasters, the government has issued disaster mitigation policies in the form of structural and non-structural policies. In 2018, the government initiated a disaster mitigation policy in the form of natural disaster insurance prioritized to protect state assets. It does not exclude the possibility that this insurance shall be given to civil society, yet an issue arises regarding the source of funding for the insurance. Tax instruments are expected to be a policy innovation to overcome the issue of financing insurance. The purpose of this study is to explore the potential and role of fiscal policy through tax instruments in the context of disaster management in Indonesia. This study applied a qualitative approach and collected data through field studies and in-depth interviews. The findings of this study indicate that the natural disaster insurance policy may adopt the concept of tax allowance on donation and zakat as stipulated in Law No. 36 of 2008 on Income Tax. This incentive provides a tax facility in the form of tax allowance on income for calculating Income Tax. The policy is expected to attract the community to participate in natural disaster insurance amid the general lack of participation in insurance in Indonesia. On the other hand, the government obtains a source of revenue to finance disaster mitigation without disrupting the economy of the country.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Interests and the Common Goods in Public Religion ]]>
<![CDATA[Amin, Harris Usman]]>;
<![CDATA[Darwin, Muhadjir]]>;
<![CDATA[Ikhwan, Hakimul]]>;
<![CDATA[Syamsiyatun, Siti]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.26757
<![CDATA[This research explores the Gerakan Salat Subuh Berjamaah (GSSB)/Dawn Congregation Prayer Movement in the city government of Palembang. This policy using religious instruments has been implemented for approximately four years and has received recognition and appreciation from several parties for its benefits to the people and government of Palembang city. This research is qualitative research with a case study method, conducted for three months in Palembang City. The study results conclude that the GSSB policy created a public religion where religion enters the public sphere to fulfil the political actor's political interests (Mayor) and realize the “common goods†of Palembang city.]]>
<![CDATA[Electoral Power Structure of Islamic Parties in Reform Era Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Romli, Lili]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 2 (2020): General Issue: Indonesian Politics ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.22865
<![CDATA[The Islamic political parties in the Reform era grew up exceeding the period of Parliamentary Democracy. In the electoral competition during the Reform era, Islamic political parties did not receive adequate votes. The votes won by Islamic parties tend to go down from election to election. There are several factors that have caused the Islamic party to fail to win the support of Muslim votes. First, Islamic parties are fragmented and internal conflict. Second, Muslim voters do a change in ideological orientation which no chooses an Islamic party but a nationalist party. Third, nationalist parties accommodate Muslim aspirations by forming Islamic organizations. Fourth, the crisis of leadership of the Islamic party. Fifth, the absence of a real party program. To improve the electoral, Islamic parties must concern on programs to improve people's welfare, democratization, eradicate corruption, and realize social justice. The leader of Islamic parties must be exemplary, visionary, integrity, and rooted in the community.]]>
<![CDATA[Parliament Opposition Strategy in Indonesia (Case Study of Gerindra Party During Joko Widodo and Jusuf Kalla's Era 2014-2019) ]]>
<![CDATA[Rachman, Muhammad Ridho]]>;
<![CDATA[Wardhani, Sri Budi Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 3 (2020): Democracy and Political Expression ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.21550
<![CDATA[This research analyzes parliament opposition in Indonesia by Gerindra Party (2014-2019) as a party whose consistently outside the government and functioning as an opposition party. How is it implemented, and what kind of strategy Gerindra performs to influence the parliamentary decision-making process? To answer this, the study uses qualitative methods by collecting data through literature review, data tracking, and in-depth interviews. The theoretical perspective in this research used Steinack's argument about the opposition strategy who states that the behavior of the opposition party in parliament is the accumulation of the impact of the structural and institutional factors, socio-demographic, and party’s informal rules of engagement. The research found that as an opposition party, Gerindra focuses on content-oriented strategies using the area of public policymaking as a medium of political interplays such as at the commission level or other work units.]]>
