Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies
Jurnal ICMES is published by the independent research institute, Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies (ICMES). This journal seeks to publish balanced writings that enlightens the public and provides appropriate information about the Middle East in various aspects ranging from politics, economics, military, energy, culture, and history.
Articles
92 Documents
<![CDATA[Konfrontasi Iran-Amerika Serikat di Selat Hormuz dan Dampaknya bagi Distribusi Penjualan Minyak Dunia ]]>
<![CDATA[Hasibuan, Wandy Ardiyansyah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal ICMES Vol 4 No 2 (2020): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v4i2.89
<![CDATA[This paper will discuss why the confrontation between Iran and the United States (US) in the Strait of Hormuz occurred. After withdrawing from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) agreement, US unilaterally giving back their sanctions to Iran and made relations between the two countries heated up again. Iran then responded with snarling to close the Strait of Hormuz. This response makes other countries in the world who have an interest in buying oil from the Middle East under threat. The US felt aggrieved by this threat; the country performs maneuvers and military confrontation in the Strait of Hormuz. This action caused oil traffic through the strait disturbed, and global oil distribution also harmed. By using qualitative methods and implementing Lovell's theory of Foreign Policy Strategy, the author finds that Iran and US use the Confrontation Strategy approach in its foreign policy, which prioritized contradictory national interests. As a result, it is predicted that the confrontation in the Strait of Hormuz will continue as long as the two sides hold their current positions.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Perubahan Kebijakan Luar Negeri Iran Menyepakati JCPOA pada Masa Pemerintahan Hassan Rouhani ]]>
<![CDATA[Abdullah, Abdullah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal ICMES Vol 5 No 1 (2021): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v5i1.91
<![CDATA[At the end of 2013, Iran agreed to the P5+1 joint agreement, which became the forerunner of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), signed on July 14, 2015. Iran signed the deal to make the international community recognize its nuclear program and lift sanctions against the country. Previously, from 2003 to 2012, Iran had always refused to negotiate with the West. This phenomenon raises the research question discussed in this article: what causes Iran's policy change regarding its nuclear project. The research was conducted by literature study, utilizing official documents and mass media reports. In this study, the author uses the theory of foreign policymaking as described by Snyder et al. The result obtained is that the changing of Iranian foreign policy was influenced by the internal factors, especially the political and economic dynamics under President Hasan Rouhani. External factors also became the impetus for Iran to change its policies, including the policy changes made by Obama in the second term of his leadership and the endorsement of the deal from the European Union, Russia, and China.]]>
<![CDATA[Faktor Domestik Yang Memengaruhi Kebijakan Luar Negeri Iran Terhadap Arab Saudi Pascaeksekusi Mati Nimr Al-Nimr ]]>
<![CDATA[Bajri, Hilal Kholid]]>;
<![CDATA[Akim, Akim]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal ICMES Vol 5 No 1 (2021): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v5i1.92
<![CDATA[This article explains the factors that influenced Iran's foreign policy towards Saudi Arabia after Nimr Al Nimr execution in 2016. Nimr Al Nimr is a well-respected Shia cleric in the Middle East. As the country with the largest Shia population globally, Iran condemned Saudi Arabia's actions so that relations between the two countries deteriorated, even leading to the severance of diplomatic relations. The research question posed is what the domestic factors that influence the policy are? This article is based on qualitative research by interviewing several Middle Eastern experts and collecting data from documents and mass media. In analyzing the data, the writers used the theory from Mintz and DeRouen regarding three domestic factors that influence a country's foreign policy, namely economic interests, the role of public opinion, and the electoral cycle. The research finds that the foreign policy taken by Iran after the execution of Nimr Al Nimr is closely related to economic interests, especially related to the implementation of the pilgrimage; in line with the opinion of the Iranian people who highly respect Nimr Al Nimr; and consideration of the electoral cycle, where the policies taken by Rouhani affected his victory in the 2017 elections.]]>
<![CDATA[Perkembangan Keuangan Islam di Eropa ]]>
<![CDATA[Henny Saptatia D. Nugrahani]]>;
<![CDATA[Agung Permadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Yulinar Amalia Masfufah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal ICMES Vol 4 No 2 (2020): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v4i2.95
<![CDATA[This study analyzes the implications of cooperation between United Kingdom (UK) and Bahrain, especially the international financial institution Al-Baraka, in developing Islamic banking. The UK is a non-Middle Eastern country that has developed Islamic finance since the entry of the Al-Baraka international financial institution from Bahrain in 1982. At present, the UK is the centre of Islamic banking in Europe and plays an essential role in the Islamic banking sector. This study analyzes the British policy in opening up the Islamic Bank of Britain (IBB) and the cooperation process with the Al-Baraka financial institution from an international relations perspective. The theory used in this qualitative research is the Regional Security Complex. The concept of amity and enmity in the Regional Security Complex is used to see how this collaboration could be established. The findings of this study are that the UK is a potential market in the development of Islamic banking in Europe and the cooperation that existed between Britain and Bahrain in the development of Islamic banking occured in the dynamics of amity and enmity. Between the two parties, there was not only friendly relations but also British suspicion of Al-Baraka financial institution which has the potential to become a dominant financial institution and displace conventional financial institutions.]]>
<![CDATA[Fenomena K-Pop di Arab Saudi ]]>
<![CDATA[Ani Mariani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal ICMES Vol 5 No 1 (2021): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v5i1.98
<![CDATA[Saudi Arabia is often seen as a very conservative country because of the strong influence of Wahhabism in government, an ideology that tends to be perceived as anti-modernity. The role of the ulama has also been considered very strong in determining state policy. However, since 2016, there have been significant social changes in freedom and leeway granted by the state in various sectors, especially in the social sector. Women are allowed to enter sports stadiums, drive, travel without a guardian. This change also includes providing concessions for entertainment such as music concerts, including what is quite surprising is the entry of the K-Pop phenomenon in Saudi. This policy created debate among various groups, especially among Wahhabi clerics. This article aims to analyze the emerging impact of the social reform process in Saudi Arabia on religious authorities in the country. This study uses a qualitative method by conducting a literature study. This article uses the concept of religious authority and its relation to the digital comunication proposed by Cheong (2011). The results showed that social reform in Saudi Arabia affected the dynamics of religious authority, and there was a shift in authority from traditional authorities, such as ulama, to civil authorities.]]>
<![CDATA[Pelanggaran Hukum Internasional dalam Konflik Yaman Tahun 2015-2019 dan Akibatnya terhadap Situasi Krisis Kemanusiaan ]]>
<![CDATA[Febriani Amalina Shalihah]]>;
<![CDATA[Hasan Sidik]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal ICMES Vol 5 No 1 (2021): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v5i1.100
<![CDATA[This paper aims to review the violations of international laws regarding war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Yemeni conflict 2015-2019 and their consequences for the humanitarian crisis. The review is carried out by referring to non-international armed conflict and using the concepts of International Humanitarian Law, the Rome Statute, and International Human Rights Law. The research method is a qualitative research method using primary data sources from interviews and secondary data from literature studies through books, journals, and related official websites. The results show that many war crimes and crimes against humanity are committed by parties involved in the conflict, such as attacks on civilians and blockade of humanitarian aid supplies to Yemeni territory. These incidents constitute a violation of international law and create a humanitarian crisis in Yemen.]]>
<![CDATA[Pro-Kontra Normalisasi Hubungan Diplomatik Israel-Sudan ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Bachrul Ulum]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal ICMES Vol 5 No 1 (2021): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v5i1.102
<![CDATA[In 2020, four Arab countries normalized relations with Israel, namely the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco. Sudan has been known as a country carrying hard-line Pan-Islamism during the reign of Omar Al-Bashir, so the normalization of relations with Israel is very surprising. Aim of this study is explaining the reasons behind Sudan's agreement to the normalization offer from the US. This study uses a qualitative method with a historical approach to trace the normalization causes and utilizes the concept of "national interest" in foreign policy. This study concludes that Sudan's willingness to normalize its relations with Israel is part of the country's efforts to get off the United States' list of State-Supported Terrorism. The Sudanese government has considered this status as a threat to their national interests, especially in the economic field.]]>
<![CDATA[Politik Konfesionalisme Lebanon ]]>
<![CDATA[Farhan Hibatullah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal ICMES Vol 5 No 1 (2021): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v5i1.103
<![CDATA[This article discusses the politics of confessionalism, which has become a political choice for the religious diversity of Lebanese society. Political confessionalism is a system of government that proportionally allocates political power based on religion. The diversity of religions in Lebanon is inseparable from its complex historical journey, which then impacts social change in Lebanon. This diversity often causes various problems in Lebanon, even including armed conflict. The most significant armed conflict in Lebanon occurred in the period 1975-1990. This war is strongly influenced by religion because each actor brings their religious identity to the war. This article uses a qualitative method to explain the social changes that occurred until the Lebanese people finally agreed on the politics of confessionalism as a solution to bring socio-political stability to the country.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Pengaruh PDB Iran, Kurs Dolar AS dan Inflasi Indonesia terhadap Nilai Ekspor Indonesia ke Iran Periode 2006.1-2017.4 ]]>
<![CDATA[Diautoriq Husain]]>;
<![CDATA[Bambang Sulistyono]]>;
<![CDATA[Didit Welly Udjianto]]>;
<![CDATA[Purkon Hidayat]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal ICMES Vol 5 No 1 (2021): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v5i1.104
<![CDATA[During 2003-2017, the government continued to strive to increase the value of its exports, one of which was by opening alternative markets as broad as possible. This effort aims to minimize risk amid global uncertainty. Iran then became one of the alternative market options that Indonesia could choose to increase its exports if it mirrored Indonesia's exports to Iran during 2003-2017. This research uses quantitative analysis. In looking at the effect of Iranian GDP, US dollar exchange rate, and Indonesian inflation on the value of Indonesia's exports to Iran quarterly over the period 2006.1-2017.4, this study uses Ordinary Least Square (OLS) multiple linear regression analysis because the data in time series form. This study indicates that Iranian GDP, US dollar exchange rate, and Indonesian inflation simultaneously have a significant effect on the value of Indonesia's exports to Iran. However, Iranian GDP partially has a positive and significant effect, and the US dollar exchange rate has a significant and negative effect, while Indonesian inflation has no effect.]]>
<![CDATA[Peningkatan Alokasi Anggaran Militer Negara-Negara di Timur Tengah dan Pengaruhnya terhadap Eskalasi Konflik Kawasan ]]>
<![CDATA[Endro Tri Susdarwono]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal ICMES Vol 5 No 2 (2021): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v5i2.93
<![CDATA[This study aims to discuss how military budget allocations for countries in the Middle East affect the escalation of conflicts in the region, how military budget allocations must compete between countries in the area, and how military budget allocations have a relationship and influence with each other. This study uses quantitative methods, namely statistical tests with canonical correlation analysis, to answer the relationship and impact between military budget allocations among countries in the Middle East. The results of canonical weight and canonical loading functions 1 and 2 show a significant relationship between the dependent variate and the independent variate or military budget allocation in Iran, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey and military budget allocations in seven other countries in the Middle East. The existence of competition in the distribution of military budgets in Middle Eastern countries affects the escalation of conflicts in this region because the preparation of the budget is based on threats. The funding for defense is a concern and consideration for friendly or unfriendly neighboring countries.]]>
