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INDONESIA
Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies
Published by Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies
ISSN : 25805657     EISSN : 26217341     DOI : -
Core Subject : Economy, Science, Social,
Economics, Econometrics & Finance Energy Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice
Jurnal ICMES is published by the independent research institute, Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies (ICMES). This journal seeks to publish balanced writings that enlightens the public and provides appropriate information about the Middle East in various aspects ranging from politics, economics, military, energy, culture, and history.
Arjuna Subject : Umum - Umum
Articles 92 Documents
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Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia Terhadap Mesir Pasca Pemerintahan Husni Mubarak Deasy Silvya Sari
Jurnal ICMES Vol 2 No 2 (2018): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies
Publisher : Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (158.965 KB) | DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.29

Abstract

The article explains the change and continuity of Indonesian Foreign Policy toward Egypt post Husni Mubarak Administration. This issue is explored because after the administration of Husni Mubarak, Egypt experienced domestic political instability in the form of a government regime change in a short time, namely the election of Mursi as president through elections in 2011, the overthrow of Mursi, and the election of Al Sisi as new president in 2013 through elections. This article concludes that on facing some changes in Egypt post-Husni Mubarak, Indonesia did ‘the change and continuity’ in her foreign policy. The ‘change’ was done because of administration of Presiden Yudhoyono wanted to ensure the implementation of Indonesia's national interests, namely, the security of Indonesian citizens in Egypt, education programs, and the sustainability of Indonesia-Egypt trade relations. This change was motivated by bureaucratic advocacy and restructuring domestic agent on decision making of Indonesian government. The ‘continuity’ takes place in terms of Indonesia’s doctrine of foreign policy, namely ‘free and active policy’. 'Free policy’ was carried out impartially in the Egyptian conflict and ‘active policy’ was implemented by maintaining security, education, and trade cooperation with Egypt.
CNN Effect in Yemen War Hilal Kholid Bajri; Nugrah Nurrohman; Muhammad Fakhri
Jurnal ICMES Vol 3 No 1 (2019): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies
Publisher : Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (671.664 KB) | DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v3i1.30

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis keterlibatan Amerika Serikat (AS) dalam Perang Yaman yang telah terjadi sejak 2015 dengan menggunakan teori ‘Efek CNN’. Dalam makalah ini, peneliti menganalisis dokumen dan pemberitaan media massa serta melakukan analisis wacana terhadap berita media arus utama AS, yaitu CNN dan New York Times. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa CNN dan New York Times tidak melakukan pemberitaan yang proporsional mengenai Perang Yaman sehingga opini publik tidak banyak menghiraukan perang ini dan tidak mendorong adanya tindakan lebih lanjut dari pemerintah AS untuk menghentikan perang. Hal ini sejalan dengan adanya kepentingan ekonomi-politik AS di Yaman serta dukungan AS kepada Arab Saudi.
Russian Military Intervention In The Middle East Security Architecture Chairul Fajar; Asep Kamaluddin Nashir
Jurnal ICMES Vol 3 No 1 (2019): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies
Publisher : Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (1248.742 KB) | DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v3i1.41

Abstract

Fluktuasi polaritas keamanan yang liquid dan saratnya agenda kepentingan telah menciptakan kontestasi kekuatan yang diikuti ketidakpastian keamanan di Timur Tengah. Meletusnya Arab Spring diikuti konflik di Suriah memunculkan ancaman terhadap kepentingan nasional Rusia oleh potensi runtuhnya otoritas pemerintahan Suriah. Intervensi militer kemudian menjadi langkah Rusia guna mengatasi potensi ancaman tersebut. Sangat diyakini intervensi militer Rusia ini memperoleh sejumlah capaian sekaligus dari game changer jalannya perang di Suriah sekaligus nilai keuntungan strategis di lingkup tatanan keamanan Timur Tengah. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan teori regional security complex dan intervensi militer. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan bahwa intervensi militer Rusia di Suriah telah memperluas peranan Rusia di Suriah dan Timur Tengah sebagai salah satu pemain penting yang menciptakan variasi peta kekuatan di kawasan sekaligus menggagalkan rancangan tatanan keamanan Timur Tengah versi AS.Fluktuasi polaritas keamanan yang liquid dan saratnya agenda kepentingan telah menciptakan kontestasi kekuatan yang diikuti ketidakpastian keamanan di Timur Tengah. Meletusnya Arab Spring diikuti konflik di Suriah memunculkan ancaman terhadap kepentingan nasional Rusia oleh potensi runtuhnya otoritas pemerintahan Suriah. Intervensi militer kemudian menjadi langkah Rusia guna mengatasi potensi ancaman tersebut. Sangat diyakini intervensi militer Rusia ini memperoleh sejumlah capaian sekaligus dari game changer jalannya perang di Suriah sekaligus nilai keuntungan strategis di lingkup tatanan keamanan Timur Tengah. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan teori regional security complex dan intervensi militer. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan bahwa intervensi militer Rusia di Suriah telah memperluas peranan Rusia di Suriah dan Timur Tengah sebagai salah satu pemain penting yang menciptakan variasi peta kekuatan di kawasan sekaligus menggagalkan rancangan tatanan keamanan Timur Tengah versi AS.
Post JCPOA Muhammad Halil Rahim
Jurnal ICMES Vol 3 No 1 (2019): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies
Publisher : Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (155.411 KB) | DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v3i1.42

Abstract

Tulisan ini menganalisis efektivitas kebijakan diplomasi koersif Amerika Serikat terhadap Iran yang dilakukan melalui penerapan sanksi pasca pengunduran diri dari kesepakatan multilateral ‘JCPOA’ pada tanggal 8 Mei 2018. Tidak puas dengan isi dari kesepakatan tersebut, pemerintah AS di bawah kepemimpinan Presiden Trump memutuskan untuk keluar secara unilateral dari kesepakatan tersebut dan dengan segera menerapkan sanksi penuh kepada Iran. Terlepas dari signifikansi kajian-kajian terdahulu mengenai sanksi AS terhadap Iran, penulis tidak menemukan kajian terdahulu yang memberikan pendekatan teoretis secara komprehensif terkait faktor-faktor yang dapat mendorong efektivitas sanksi AS. Secara khusus, penulis juga belum menemukan kajian terdahulu yang membahas efektivitas sanksi AS terhadap Iran pasca pengunduran diri secara unilateralnya dari JCPOA. Tulisan ini diharapkan dapat mengisi gap literatur tersebut dengan menganalisisnya menggunakan faktor-faktor penentu efektivitas sanksi yang berbasiskan teori (theory-driven research). Kerangka analisis yang penulis gunakan di dalam tulisan ini adalah teori diplomasi koersif yang dikembangkan oleh Tom Sauer yang penulis elaborasi ke dalam lima variabel utama yaitu tujuan, permintaan, ancaman, tekanan waktu, dan motivasi. Hasil tulisan ini mengindikasikan bahwa kebijakan diplomasi koersif yang diterapkan oleh AS sejauh ini belum efektif dalam menekan Iran karena AS belum melakukan perhitungan dan konsiderasi yang cukup matang terhadap lima faktor penentu tersebut.
Conflict Resolution in South Sudan Firda Rosyana RA; Windy Dermawan; Akim Ebih
Jurnal ICMES Vol 3 No 1 (2019): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies
Publisher : Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (243.397 KB) | DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v3i1.44

Abstract

Meski Sudan Selatan telah menjadi negara merdeka sejak pemisahan diri dari Sudan bagian utara, wilayah tersebut kembali mengalami gejolak dengan adanya perang sipil di negerinya. Berbagai macam pelanggaran hukum internasional terjadi di Sudan Selatan, yang mengakibatkan banyak korban di pihak sipil, baik korban pembunuhan, pengusiran, pemerkosaan, penculikan, dan masih banyak lagi. Perhatian dunia internasional terbagi dengan adanya konflik internal yang terjadi di Sudan Selatan. Pelanggaran-pelanggaran dalam konflik internal tersebut mendorong dunia internasional untuk memberikan bantuan kemanusiaan dan bantuan lainnya sebagai upaya resolusi konflik. Akan tetapi, setelah beberapa kali usaha gencatan senjata yang mengarah kepada perjanjian perdamaian dilakukan, konflik masih tetap terjadi hingga adanya pertemuan di Addis, Ethiopia berhasil dilakukan, yang menghasilkan pembagian kekuaaan antara Presiden Kiir dan Machar. Riset ini memaparkan tentang penyebab, dampak, dan solusi yang telah dilakukan oleh dunia internasional dan analisis kegagalan-kegagalan negosiasi yang telah dilakukan beberapa kali sejak konflik berlangsung dengan menggunakan pendekatan negosiasi integratif. Riset ini menemukan bahwa pendekatan negosiasi integratif dapat memunculkan kesadaran bagi kedua belah pihak yang berkonflik dan memungkinkan dilakukannya perjanjian perdamaian di antara para pihak. Hal ini didasarkan kepada keadilan dan rasa saling memahami yang ditanamkan dalam negosiasi ini.
Tensions of The Tension of Sectarianism and the Challenges of Democracy in the Middle East After Arab Spring Sainul Rahman
Jurnal ICMES Vol 3 No 1 (2019): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies
Publisher : Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (118.736 KB) | DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v3i1.32

Abstract

The Arab Spring wave in early 2011 that hit Middle East countries, starting from Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Syria showed the will of the Arab people to achieve improvements in various fields, ranging from economic, social, to an open and democratic political system. After eights years since it started, several countries are still continuing the process of democratization, such as Tunisia and Egypt. On the other hand, in some countries, the democratization process has stalled, such as in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Kuwait, and there are countries that have fallen in prolonged war, namely Libya, Yemen, and Syria. This article discusses two case studies to see how sectarianism occured after the Arab Spring, namely Tunisia and Yemen. Using a historical approach with descriptive analysis, the authors found that although sectarianism in the Middle East has a long historical root, in the Arab Spring conflicts sectarianism has been used by parties in conflict to achieve their respective interests. As long as the conflicting parties continue using political identity and sectarianism, it is difficult to achieve an established democracy.
Penggunaan Leksikon Allāh Sebagai Ekspresi Tuhan Yuangga Kurnia Yahya
Jurnal ICMES Vol 3 No 2 (2019): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies
Publisher : Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (194.773 KB) | DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v3i2.48

Abstract

This article discuss the history of translating Bibles from Greek into Arabic. Translation itself is an attempt to spread the Word of God to the whole world and facilitate the translation of these sacred texts. One of the prominent things in this translation is the form of God's expression. God's expression uses the 'Allah' lexicon in which the lexicon is often understood as a limited lexicon for the mention of God in Islam. This discussion will use Eugene Nida's translation theory regarding general translation rules. The Biblical translation theory uses a theory initiated by Glen G Scorgie, Mark L Strauss, and Steven M Voth regarding the challenge of communicating God's language into human language. The results of the study indicate that this translation movement has been carried out since the Umayyad period and was renewed in modern times by the Missionaries. The use of the God lexicon is an attempt to bring the term in the Bible closer to Arabic culture.
Perbandingan Nitaqat dan Tawteen Safira Novia Safitry; Agus Haryanto
Jurnal ICMES Vol 3 No 2 (2019): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies
Publisher : Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (253.656 KB) | DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v3i2.53

Abstract

This article discusses how two Arab Gulf countries, namely Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), implemented policies for foreign workers. Saudi Arabia and the UAE have the same regulations to limit foreign workers namely Nitaqat for Saudi Arabia and Tawteen for the United Arab Emirates. The purpose of this article is to explain the difference between the two policies which have become national-scale state policies. In analyzing it, the writer uses political comparison theory. The results of this study indicate that Saudi Arabia and the UAE have the same reason why they implement policies to restrict foreign workers. The limitation of foreign workers is a regional phenomenon of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries because these countries have started a sustainable development and paid attention to the importance of the labor sector which is reserved for citizens. In addition, the two countries have different experiences in the process of proposing policies related to the interests of the government and the industrial sector.
Perbedaan Pandangan Politik antara Al Azhar dan Ikhwan Al Muslimin dalam Merespon Kudeta Militer Tahun 2013 Muhammad Anas; Yon Machmudi
Jurnal ICMES Vol 3 No 2 (2019): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies
Publisher : Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (134.167 KB) | DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v3i2.54

Abstract

This articles discusses the political differences between Al Azhar and the Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan Al Muslimin) in a coup against President Mohammed Morsi on July 3, 2013. It is interesting that Al Azhar as one of the most influential religious institutions in the Islamic world in general and Egypt in particular, supporting the military coup led by General Abdul Fattah al-Sisi against Morsi, the first president of Egypt's who was democratically elected and also promoted by the largest Islamic movement in the 21st century, namely the Muslim Brotherhood. Previous studies have not been yet specifically discussed the differences between these two institutions in this coup. This study uses qualitative methods named causal explanation which seeks to explain the causes of the observed phenomena. The method of data analysis is content analysis of various documents related to the research topic. The data was collected by literature studies and interviews. This articles found that both Al Azhar and Ikhwan Al Muslimin have a significant different view on politics even though historically both also have close relationship in developing religious acitivities in Egypt. Al-Azhar Institution in this context loses its independence which encourages its involvement in conflicts between the state and Ikhwan Al Muslimin. In general, the political relationship between the two institutions is largely determined by the relationship between Ikhwan Al Muslimin and the ruling regime.
Peranan Diplomat Indonesia dalam Memperjuangkan Palestina di PBB (Masa Presidency of the UNSC Mei 2019) Rezasyah, Teuku
Jurnal ICMES Vol 3 No 2 (2019): Jurnal ICMES: The Journal of Middle East Studies
Publisher : Indonesia Center for Middle East Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (384.289 KB) | DOI: 10.35748/jurnalicmes.v3i2.55

Abstract

In May 2019, Indonesia served as President of the UN Security Council. During her presidency, Indonesia sought to achieve world peace by raising the theme "Investing in Peace." This research seeks to explain the role of Indonesian diplomats in defending Palestine during the presidency especially in the issue of Israeli illegal settlements in the West Bank. The research was conducted qualitatively by examining official documents and mass media, as well as conducting interviews with primary informant. The concept used in this research is national role conception from Holsti. This research finds that Indonesian diplomats carry out their role in fighting for Palestine driven by the national role conception as the bastion of revolution liberator or as a nation that wants to abolish colonialism in another country, namely Palestine.

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