Articles
197 Documents
<![CDATA[Humanitarian Accountability in Post-Haiyan Response in the Philippines ]]>
<![CDATA[Ginbert Permejo Cuaton]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 3 No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (370.806 KB)
|
DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v3n2.5
<![CDATA[Studi ini mengidentifikasi alasan di balik pemanfaatan atau pengabaian pemanfaatan atas berbagai mekanisme akuntabilitas dan menyelidiki bagaimana organisasi non-pemerintah memanfaatkan dan menanggapi umpan balik dan hirauan yang diajukan. Studi kasus ini mengumpulkan data melalui penelitian pustaka dan penelitian lapangan yang dianalisis menggunakan analisis konten tematik. Temuan menunjukkan banyak hirauan yang muncul, baik sensitif atau non-sensitif, melalui nomor hotline, konsultasi masyarakat, kunjungan kantor, kotak umpan balik dan poster untuk melaporkan ketidakkonsistenan dalam pelaksanaan proyek dan menyatakan hal positif. Tekanan masyarakat, politisasi lokal, ketakutan akan pembalasan dari manajemen, dan lokasi yang jauh di mana mekanisme ini dipasang menghambat penerima manfaat untuk menyuarakan keprihatinan mereka. Secara umum, mekanisme akuntabilitas ini terbukti bermanfaat dan meningkatkan pelayanan-pengiriman dan implementasi proyek.]]>
<![CDATA[Whose Governance, Which Legitimacy? Myanmar’s Collective Agency in a Domineering Framework on the Rohingya Crisis ]]>
<![CDATA[Kevin Ali Sesarianto]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (1071.119 KB)
|
DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v5n2.6
<![CDATA[July of 2017 is the last time the United Nations special rapporteur was allowed into Myanmar to report on the Rohingya crisis. By contrast, the Foreign Minister of Indonesia was well-received to talk about the same problem in 2017. This article sees the problem as a legitimacy crisis: Myanmar did not see the United Nations intervention framework to report on the Rohingya crisis as legitimate due to the perceived lack of the former’s agency in that framework. This article uses the concept of collective agency to further understand Myanmar’s reception of the United Nations regarding the Rohingya crisis. Myanmar’s rationality – way of seeing things – is seen to be marginalised and even deleted by the United Nations’ internationalist/cosmopolitan rationality through labels such as ‘draconian’ and ‘stagnant’ Indonesia’s approach is more sensitive to Myanmar’s agency. This article concludes that the exclusionist practice by the United Nations makes the framework lose its support-worthiness.]]>
<![CDATA[China’s Belt Road Initiative: Dalam Pandangan Teori Geopolitik Klasik ]]>
<![CDATA[Iqbal Ramadhan]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 2 No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (874.183 KB)
|
DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v2n2.3
<![CDATA[This article aims to examine the issue of China's Belt Road Initiative (BRI) in the view of classical geopolitical theory. The theory basically appeared in the 19th century. The classical geopolitical theory used in this article is McKinder Theory and Mahan Theory. Nevertheless, the theory is still relevant enough to answer China's policy as well as what geopolitical advantages the country gains. By using qualitative research, classical geopolitical theory was used to examine China's BRI policy on the construction of terrestrial trade corridor passes through Eurasia region and maritime silk road which cross strategic waterway. This article concludes that when the project is implemented, China will not only benefit economically but also be able to change the geopolitical constellation of the world. Although it is still too early, the BRI project has the potential to make China as the next superpower.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran Negara dalam Ekspansi PT Wijaya Karya Tbk ke Afrika: Tinjauan Kapitalisme Negara ]]>
<![CDATA[Anggi Mariatulkubtia Lubis]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (462.35 KB)
|
DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v5n1.7
<![CDATA[Selama beberapa tahun ke belakang, PT Wijaya Karya Tbk. (WIKA) menjadi salah satu badan usaha milik negara (BUMN) yang aktif berekspansi ke mancanegara, utamanya ke pasar Afrika. Ekspansi ini dilakukan di tengah tingginya kebutuhan pembangunan infrastruktur domestik. Di saat bersamaan, studi mengenai intervensi negara dalam perekonomian global tengah mendapat perhatian bagi peneliti kajian ekonomi politik internasional. Terkait hal ini, tulisan ini mengkaji peran pemerintah dalam ekspansi WIKA ke Afrika dengan sudut pandang state capitalism. Dengan menelisik peran Rezim Presiden Joko Widodo lewat (1) perencanaan tersentral; (2) diplomasi ekonomi untuk membuka pasar; serta (3) bantuan permodalan, tulisan ini berargumen bahwa ekspansi WIKA tidaklah semata-mata dilakukan dalam upaya mencari keuntungan, namun juga dipengaruhi oleh faktor politik dan dorongan negara untuk memenuhi kepentingan nasional. WIKA menjadi ujung tombak bagi sektor konstruksi dan infrastruktur yang dianggap sebagai sektor unggulan bagi Rezim Presiden Widodo. Tulisan ini diharapkan dapat mengisi kekosongan penelitian ekonomi politik tentang ekspansi BUMN nasional ke luar negeri. Kata kunci: BUMN, ekspansi, peran negara, state capitalism, WIKA.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Diaspora Cina Terhadap Hubungan Bilateral Amerika Serikat-Cina (2017-2021) ]]>
<![CDATA[Imanniar Gadis Diandono]]>;
<![CDATA[Adiasri Putri Purbantina]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (529.804 KB)
|
DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.8
<![CDATA[This article explores the phenomenon of diaspora diplomacy by China on bilateral relations between China and the United States in 2017-2021. Qualitative descriptive research and case study methods as well as the concept of diaspora in International Relations were used. Diaspora diplomacy is an instrument of public diplomacy to introduce the culture, ethnicity, and national identity of the country of origin to the host community. This article finds that the Chinese diaspora in the United States acts as a link between host and home countries, playing a role in strengthening economic ties. The activities of the Chinese diaspora through the Confucius Institute demonstrate the process of internationalizing culture, ethnicity, and national identity as a strategic communication tool that enhances bilateral relations between China and the United States. However, the current role of the Chinese diaspora has yet to demonstrate its peace-building function and provide an alternative political vision for its home country. Keywords: bilateral relations, China, diaspora diplomacy, United States]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Luar Negeri Jepang terhadap Pemberlakuan Zona Identifikasi Pertahanan Udara Tiongkok ]]>
<![CDATA[Faustina Tamisari]]>;
<![CDATA[Dudy Heryadi]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 2 No 1 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (644.398 KB)
|
DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v2n1.4
<![CDATA[The Senkaku Islands dispute has become one the most controversial territorial sovereignty dispute in Asia. Japan and China had been disputing the Islands since 1970. The conflict has escalated to higher level on 2013 when China established the Air Defense Identification Zone. Both China and Japan will respond to any measures exercised by each other to defend each legitimacy on Senkaku Islands. This research aims to scrutinize and analyse the response given by Japan in ecnountering China's Air Defense Identification Zone and what policy implemented by Japan.]]>
<![CDATA[Nigeria-China Bilateral Trade Relations: Is There Market Opportunities in China? ]]>
<![CDATA[Ibrahim, Kabiru Hannafi]]>;
<![CDATA[Sari, Dyah Wulan]]>;
<![CDATA[Handoyo, Rossanto Dwi]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 4 No 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (531.166 KB)
|
DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v4n2.3
<![CDATA[This study used normalized revealed sectoral comparative advantage, import demand share, growth identification and facilitation framework to identify market opportunities for Nigeria in the Chinese markets over the period 1988-2017. Our findings revealed that Nigeria has a steady and long-term comparative advantage in few commodities and there is limited scope for Nigeria to improve on its balance of trade due to limited export potentials. Furthermore, sixteen market opportunities were identified, out of which fourteen are stable and growing markets. Our findings also revealed that these market opportunities can't all be meet by Nigeria, as these commodities were not exportable due to poor competitive position and highly capital-intensive nature of the commodities. These findings are not only relevant to academics but also for policy making.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia's Foreign Policy in Digital Era : Poliheuristic Theory ]]>
<![CDATA[Laode Muhamad Fathun, Laode Muhamad]]>;
<![CDATA[Laode Muhamad Fathun]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (574.466 KB)
|
DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.10
<![CDATA[This paper discusses the consideration of the formulation of Indonesia's foreign policy and diplomacy in the digital era in the economic and social fields. This study uses a qualitative paradigm with a descriptive analysis type. This research uses a case study method with secondary data collection techniques taken from various relevant references such as books, journals and reports and others. So this research uses a research library. The author uses poly-acoustic theory and foreign policy formulations in the digital era. Hasilyang found that the formulation of foreign policy in the digital era contains the question of why it is oriented towards promoting foreign policy, What, is oriented towards policy support in the digital era, who, namely the government, companies and society. Then the question where, in the country and region. And how about through politheuistic. The analysis found that the formulation of Indonesia's foreign policy and diplomacy has two considerations, namely cognitive cognition and rational calculation. Thus, it is concluded that Indonesia's interests in the economic and social fields have a great opportunity to make Indonesia a transforming country in the digital era.]]>
<![CDATA[Keamanan Manusia dalam Perspektif Studi Keamanan Kritis Terkait Perang Intra-Negara ]]>
<![CDATA[Rizal Adhitya Hidayat]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 1 No 2 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (805.732 KB)
|
DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v1n2.3
<![CDATA[This article tries to propose the human security issue that explained by critical security studies approach as an ontological and epistemological critique to state security as the object referent. The critique comes from the wider development of the Copenhagen School promoted by Buzan, Weaver and de Wilde (1998) through the security sector analysis and securitization concepts. Both of those are responded by the critical security studies approach from Aberystwyth/Wales School and the Toronto School which is proposing the three questions of ontological claims through the true and real security concept. This three ontological claims are: what is real (of security)?, what is knowledge (of security)?, what (security) is to be done?. By the deepening relevance to intra-state conflict, the claim of security concepts find the momentum that the threat of security of intra-state conflict/war can arise in all aspects of human life and then following the true and real security threat to the security of human life as a whole.]]>
