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<![CDATA[Model Strategi Diplomasi Budaya di Masa Covid-19 : Studi Kasus Festival Cap Go Meh di Kota Singkawang ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurfitri Nugrahaningsih]]>;
<![CDATA[Widha Anistya Suwarso]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.6
<![CDATA[This study aims to identify the cultural diplomacy strategy carried out by Singkawang City Government during Covid-19 pandemic. Singkawang has a Cap Go Meh festival which is held every year which attracts the attention of domestic and foreign tourists. The Covid-19 pandemic has spread over the world since the end of 2019 and gave impacts on many sectors, including the number of tourist visits to Cap Go Meh in Singkawang City, West Kalimantan in 2021. This research was conducted through a qualitative approach with an exploratory method and refers to cultural diplomacy and digital diplomacy concept. The results of this study indicate that there are models of cultural diplomacy during pandemic: (1) The cooperation and commitment from government and non-government actors to support and promote cultural diplomacy, (2) The implementation of e-diplomacy, and (3) There are strict regulations related to the Covid-19 pandemic; however, still provide space for cultural diplomacy. Keywords: Cap Go Meh, Covid-19, cultural diplomacy, digital diplomacy]]>
<![CDATA[ASEAN-U.S Cooperation on Renewable Energy: ASEAN’s Response to Climate Change Phenomenon ]]>
<![CDATA[Dewi Agha Putri]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 3 No 1 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v3n1.3
<![CDATA[Climate change phenomenon has become one of the major issues discussed in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). ASEAN as one of the most influential regions in the world tries to combat climate change by developing renewable energy and creating a better living in the region. To pursue its ambition, ASEAN cooperates with United States of America (U.S) as one of its dialogue partners following the implementation of the ASEAN Plan of Action for Energy Cooperation (APAEC) 2016-2025. This paper is using qualitative research method through secondary data analysis to explain how ASEAN-U.S cooperation on renewable energy helps ASEAN to combat climate change. Throughout the research, ASEAN-U.S cooperation on renewable energy is potentially beneficial and helpful for ASEAN to pursue its ambition in terms of investment provision and technology and information exchange.]]>
<![CDATA[World Social Forum sebagai Eksperimentasi Pengorganisasian Politik Multitude ]]>
<![CDATA[Anggar Shandy]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic/v5n2.9
<![CDATA[Artikel ini berupaya untuk menganalisis model perlawanan serta tuntutan dan proposal World Social Forum (WSF). Dengan menggunakan multitude dari Hardt dan Negri sebagai kerangka analisis, artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa model perlawanan WSF yang berupa ruang terbuka, plural, serta bersifat non-negara dan non-partisan, mampu merangsang debat yang demokratis dan reflektif, pengajuan proposal, pertukaran pengalaman serta aliansi antar gerakan dan organisasi yang terlibat dalam tindakan konkret menuju solidaritas dunia yang demokratis dan adil. Artikel ini juga mengidentifikasi tuntutan dan proposal yang diajukan oleh WSF, di antaranya terkait problem ekonomi, politik, identitas/kultural, ekologi serta militerisme dan perang. Proposal-proposal tersebut merupakan manifestasi dari imaji alternatif terhadap globalisasi neoliberal yang ditawarkan oleh WSF.]]>
<![CDATA[Diaspora dalam Hubungan Internasional ]]>
<![CDATA[Arry Bainus]]>;
<![CDATA[Junita Budi Rachman]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.1
<![CDATA[Perang antara Rusia dan Ukraina yang masih berlangsung hingga pertengahan 2022 ini menyisakan perhatian pada diaspora, selain pada segala akibat perang dalam banyak hal terhadap kedua negara dan hubungan internasional. Diaspora Rusia dan diaspora Ukraina tersebar di luar negeri, baik sebagai diaspora pasif maupun sebagai diaspora transnasional dan global. Dalam banyak kepentingan mereka adalah subjek-subjek internasional yang signifikan baik bagi negara asal (home country) dan negara tuan rumah (host country) maupun bagi ragam komunitas diaspora lainnya. Namun, serangan militer Rusia ke Ukraina telah membuat diaspora Rusia dalam keadaan sosial yang tersudutkan di tempat mereka berdomisili. Sementara para pengungsi Ukraina yang mendapatkan simpati sebagai migran baru akan mengalami kehidupan diaspora di negara penerima di masa depan bila mereka menetap. Dari tempat baru, mereka dapat berfungsi sebagai saluran politik domestik dan internasional untuk konflik dan iredentisme guna "memulihkan" identitas dan wilayah yang telah dianeksasi pihak musuh. Selanjutnya, efek terkuat perang Rusia dan Ukraina terhadap risiko perang berikutnya bekerja melalui diaspora adalah sesuatu yang mungkin.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh British Exit (Brexit) Terhadap Kebijakan Pemerintah Inggris Terkait Masalah Imigran ]]>
<![CDATA[Hardi Alunaza SD]]>;
<![CDATA[Virginia Sherin]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 2 No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v2n2.4
<![CDATA[This paper aims to explain the influence of British Exit (Brexit) on the UK government's policy on immigrants. The results of the referendum on June 23, 2016, show that more than fifty two percent of Britons choose to leave the EU. The UK's exit from EU membership affects some of the policies of the British government, in particular, the policy on immigrants. However for immigrants, the new policy to be implemented by the British government is considered as a threat. This article uses the theory of policy making and the concept of immigration with qualitative research method in the form of literature study. This paper shows that the impact of Brexit on the UK government's policy on immigrants is the discourse of limiting the number and selection of immigrants that will affect both British and immigrant communities.]]>
<![CDATA[Globalisasi dan Pembangunan Infrastruktur Maritim Indonesia di Bidang Konektivitas dan Sistem Logistik (2014—2019) ]]>
<![CDATA[Fachri Pramuja]]>;
<![CDATA[Fredy Buhama Lumban Tobing]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v5n1.3
<![CDATA[Economic globalization is a critical point for the study of international political economy. This paper examines the big picture of economic globalization of the country's domestic policies which is in this case the development of maritime infrastructure in the era of President Joko Widodo (2014-2019). Using the concept of state capacity as a tool of analysis, this paper explores the new reasons for prioritizing the development of Indonesia's marine infrastructure which was massively carried out under Joko Widodo's administration. In this paper, economic globalization is seen through the ability of the state to provide basic facilities in maritime infrastructure development with the aim of building efficiency and innovation in creating a level of sustainable competitiveness for Indonesia's economic growth. The findings in this study explain that [1] the realization of maritime infrastructure development in Indonesia is still more in the planning phase so that it does not significantly reduce logistics costs between the western and eastern regions of Indonesia, [2] there are discrepancy in government rhetoric on achieving maritime infrastructure development with its implementation. Keywords: Economic Globalization, Maritime Infrastructure, Indonesia’s Development.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Wolf Warrior Cina dan Relasi Cina-Australia Di Masa Pandemi Covid-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Hayati Nufus]]>;
<![CDATA[Khanisa Khanisa]]>;
<![CDATA[R. A Rizka Fiani Prabaningtyas]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.6
<![CDATA[The purpose of this study is to analyze China's wolf warrior diplomacy and its implementation on China-Australia relations during the Covid-19 pandemic. Using qualitative method, this study examines wolf warrior diplomacy from the standpoint of public diplomacy concept. In this article, wolf warrior diplomacy is seen as a form of Chinese public diplomacy. This study found that wolf warrior diplomacy aims to shape China's image at the international stage as well as serve domestic public expectations to project China's powerful image. However, the aggressiveness displayed in the wolf warrior diplomacy reflects China's unfavorable image as a threat to other countries. In the context of China-Australia relations, wolf warrior diplomacy has exacerbated existing diplomatic tensions and hinder economic cooperation between the two countries.Keywords: China-Australia, Covid-19, public diplomacy, wolf warrior diplomacy]]>
<![CDATA[Posyandu sebagai Soft Power Indonesia dalam Diplomasi Kesehatan Global ]]>
<![CDATA[Taufik Hidayat]]>;
<![CDATA[Affabile Rifawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Yan Mulyana]]>;
<![CDATA[Adityo Darmawan Sudagung]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 1 No 2 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v1n2.8
<![CDATA[This reasearch article aims to know and describe the effort of Posyandu revitalization as one of Indonesian way to increase soft power in conducting global health diplomacy. Using Qualitative Methods, also global health, Posyandu, public-private partnership, and soft power concepts, research find that Indonesia has done a lot of health diplomacy in the international arena. The improvement of the Posyandu model with the private sector can be one of Indonesia's softt power in conducting diplomacy in the global health sector.]]>
<![CDATA[The Internationalization of Renminbi ]]>
<![CDATA[Erlangga Arbi Prakoso]]>;
<![CDATA[Makmur Keliat]]>;
<![CDATA[Fredy Buhama Lumban Tobing]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 4 No 1 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v4n1.5
<![CDATA[After global financial crisis 2008, the position of the US dollar began to be debated and led to the narrative of the internationalization of renminbi. This literature review discusses how the literatures has evolved regarding internationalization of renminbi. Based on the taxonomy method, this literature review finds three major themes: China’s interest, implementation process, and external reactions. Based on those three themes, this literature review argues that internationalization of renminbi occurs because the character of international relations tends to be competitive due to power relations. This condition triggered the adjustment of Chinese interests according to Chinese characteristics using offshore renminbi centers. Besides using the supply-side approach as the dominant approach, this literature review identifies an increase in discussion after 2009 and also finds approach and empirical gap that use demand-side approach of international actors. This paper contributes to the study of international political economy related to state and market logic.]]>
<![CDATA[Responsible Power and China's International Assistance in South Sudan ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurul Aulia]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 6 No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.4
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini menganalisa gagasan tentang Cina sebagai kekuatan yang bertanggungjawab dengan melihat bagaimana Cina menjalankan bantuan internasionalnya di Sudan Selatan. Artikel ini menginvestigasi perilaku para aktor yang terlibat dalam aktivas luar negeri Cina di Sudan Selatan. Para aktor tersebut adalah pemerintah Cina dengan Kementerian Luar Negeri beserta Kementerian Perdagangan sebagai perwakilannya. Sementara itu, pasukan perdamaian PBB Cina berada dibawah arahan Kementerian Pertahanan Nasional. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa tindakan pemerintah Cina dalam kerangka bantuan luar negeri telah mengarah kepada spektrum barat terkait gagasan kekuatan yang bertanggungjawab. Sementara itu, kebijakan dan tindakan Cina terkait penugasan pasukan perdamaian Cina di Sudan Selatan tetap menerapkan prinsip non-intervensi dan menghargai kedaulatan Sudan Selatan. Oleh karena itu, tindakan pasukan perdamaian Cina masih berada di spektrum Cina tentang kekuatan yang bertanggungjawab.]]>
