Indonesian Perspective
IP (Indonesian Perspective) is a scholarly journal published by the Department of International Relations, Diponegoro University. Appears two volumes a year, the journal covers broad subject areas ranging from international politics, global security, global political economy, diplomacy and foreign policy, transnational relations, to theoretical debates concerning contemporary global challenges. The name ‘Indonesian Perspective’ implies that all article submissions must meet requirement to connect their analysis to Indonesia foreign relations, either how Indonesia perceives global politics or how global politics affects Indonesia. It is important as part of a systematic effort to develop Indonesian school of IR in the long run. The Editor welcomes manuscript submission from academics, researchers, as well as practitioners around the globe to enhance our understanding regarding how global politics matters for Indonesia and vice versa.
Articles
125 Documents
<![CDATA[Aspek Human Security dalam Pembatasan Masuknya Orang Asing ke Indonesia karena Pandemi Covid-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Junior Perdana Sande]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2021), hlm. 123-259 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i2.43541
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze Indonesia’s Immigration policy in restricting the arrival of foreigners due to the Covid-19 pandemic. Through a qualitative research method and descriptive analysis approach, it can be explained how the concept of human security and state sovereignty affects the making and implementation of a series of policies to restrict the arrival of foreigners to Indonesia during the Covid-19 pandemic. The author seeks to provide an analysis of how the Covid-19 pandemic has become a real threat to global human security and how the Indonesian government seeks to protect the Indonesian people by limiting the arrival of foreigners to minimize the spread of Covid-19. The Indonesian government does not take a lockdown policy, but prefers policies that can protect health while protecting the economic activities of the Indonesian people. In the ‘New Normal’ way, Indonesia’s immigration policies continue to adapt to support economic recovery while supporting the implementation of health protocols.]]>
<![CDATA[NGOs, Political Protest and Civil Society: Book Review ]]>
<![CDATA[Mahmut Ulas Gozutok]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol. 1, No. 1 ( Januari-Juni 2016), hlm. 1-90 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v1i1.10431
<![CDATA[Non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) play a key role for providing a platform for citizens to raise their discontents in democratic settings. NGO activities for encouraging democratic public engagement pose no threats against stability in consolidated democratic regimes with effectively functioning political parties. On the other hand, they can be acontentious issue in countries with shaky foundations of democracy. In fact, Huntington mainly champions in one of his most widely cited works by the civil society literature the idea that associations of social capital such as civil society can have detrimental repercussions on stability and order in infantile democratic regimes since political parties in such contexts are argued to be ill‐equipped to handle challenges brought bymodernization. On the other hand, primary elements of social capital (i.e.civil society) are acknowledged to be the prerequisites for effectivefunctioning of democracies.Keywords: NGOs, democracy, civil society, social capital]]>
<![CDATA[The Rise of China-Indonesia Relationship: Soft Power, Resources, and Prospect in the Future ]]>
<![CDATA[Juniar Laraswanda Umagapi]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol. 2, No. 2 (Juli-Desember 2017), hlm. 85-185 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v2i2.18475
<![CDATA[China is the emerging powers that many people believe that in the many years later they will be the most productive country with the fastest growing economic development in the world. As a consequence, China would be the main actor for global integrations as well as one of strategic partners for Indonesia. This research employs qualitative research method to understand which aspect influence the most towards Indonesia and China partnership. This paper will show the future partnership between China and Indonesia in economic and socio-cultural aspect.Keywords: China, Indonesia, emerging powers, economic, integration, socio-cultural]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Perkembangan Norma Internasional “War on Terror” dalam Perspektif Realis, Liberalis dan Konstruktivis ]]>
<![CDATA[Ardli Johan Kusuma]]>;
<![CDATA[Tulus Warsito]]>;
<![CDATA[Surwandono Surwandono]]>;
<![CDATA[Ali Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Ulung Pribadi]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 4, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2019), hlm. 1-99 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v4i1.24477
<![CDATA[This paper discusses about the dynamics of the development of the international norm “war on terror” which is analyzed from three dominant approaches in international relations; realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Specifically, this paper seeks to reveal the dynamics of war on terror norms from its inception to date, where the norms have been adopted by the majority of the international community. The first stage is the emergence of the norms which fall within realist thinking stressing on materialist and rationalist dimensions such as security issues and threats from terrorists. The second stage emphasizes on the role of international organizations and international law that closely associated with liberalist thinking. The last stage is strengthening the norms focusing on shared ideas related to humanity, human rights and freedom to build a common identity that led to the emergence of the counter-terrorism norms that fit constructivist perspective.]]>
<![CDATA[Selective Policy Imigrasi Indonesia terhadap Orang Asing dari Negara Calling Visa ]]>
<![CDATA[Junior Perdana Sande]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 5, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2020), hlm. 1-117 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v5i1.30196
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze the selective policy adopted by Indonesian immigration towards foreigners from calling visa countries. Through a qualitative research method with a descriptive analysis approach and the framework of concept of foreign policy decision making and national interests, it can be explained how the implementation of Indonesian immigration selective policy and the determination of vulnerable countries so they can be categorized in to calling visa countries. The author also seeks to provide an analysis of the anomalies in determining countries that are categorized as calling visa countries. The application of selective policy applied by the Indonesian government through the issuance of visiting permits, supervision, and immigration administrative actions against any foreigner. It is implemented more stringently and through a multi-layered process towards foreigners from calling visa countries.]]>
<![CDATA[Upaya Pemerintah Indonesia dalam Meningkatkan Pariwisata Mandalika Melalui Kerangka Branding ‘Wonderful Indonesia’ ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Arief Satrio]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2021), hlm. 1-122 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i1.37513
<![CDATA[This paper describes the Indonesian government’s efforts in developing Mandalika through the framework of the nation brand ‘Wonderful Indonesia’. This effort is a form of government commitment to make Indonesia the world’s maritime axis. If derived from the tourism sector, it can be interpreted as making the maritime tourism industry a top priority. This is manifested by the launch of 10 Priority Destinations where 8 of the 10 destinations are the maritime tourism industry, one of which is Mandalika which is located in West Nusa Tenggara. The government has made efforts to develop the 3A sector, namely accessibility, amenities and attractions. The development is managed by PT ITDC, a state-owned company engaged in the tourism sector and collaborates with foreign investors. In addition to the development of 3A, efforts were made to promote abroad as a form of public diplomacy and a form of efforts to promote the Mandalika Area in the corridor of the ‘Wonderful Indonesia’ branding.]]>
<![CDATA[Mengapa Rezim Internasional Gagal? Analisis Legalisasi “Lima Poin Konsensus ASEAN” tentang Myanmar Pasca Kudeta Militer 2021 ]]>
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 7, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2022), hlm. 1-137 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v7i1.48592
<![CDATA[Assessing the effectiveness of international regimes has become a central topic for scholars and policymakers. Realist argues that national interests determine whether or not states comply with international regimes. This article offers an alternative account by analyzing the anatomy of the agreement. Using the case study of the “ASEAN Five-Point Consensus” on Myanmar, this article employs the concept of legalization derived from institutionalist theory which is used to assess the degree of institutionalization of the international agreements characterized by three dimensions; obligation, precision, and delegation. The central thesis of this article is that the “ASEAN Five-Point Consensus” on Myanmar is a sort of soft law due to its strong weakness in three dimensions. It implies that the agreement will not be properly implemented by ASEAN member countries, especially by Myanmar’s military junta. This article concludes that the effectiveness of the “ASEAN Five-Point Consensus” on Myanmar depends not only on the states’ national interests but also on the degree of institutionalization of this agreement. The soft law character of this agreement is strongly influenced by the culture of ASEAN’s decision-making mechanism which puts a strong emphasis on the consensus in crafting non-obligatory agreements. ]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Pemerintah Indonesia melalui Sekuritisasi Migrasi Pengungsi Rohingya di Aceh tahun 2012-2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Hardi Alunaza]]>;
<![CDATA[M. Kholit Juani]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol. 2, No. 1 (Januari-Juni 2017), hlm. 1-84 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v2i1.15535
<![CDATA[This paper is attempted to describe Indonesian policy in dealing with Rohingya Refugees inAceh in 2015. This paper took the specific interest on securitization of migration theory to analyzethe issue. This paper sketches three important points regarding Indonesian policy to solve the Rohingyarefugees problems in Aceh. First, Indonesian Government will make new policy by adjustingthe existing legislation on refugees. Second, Indonesia will accommodate the displaced Rohingyapeople. Third, Indonesian Government will work together with international community to solvethe problems of Rohingya refugees.Keywords: Indonesian Policy, Rohingya Refugees, Securitization of Migration]]>
<![CDATA[Bergayuh Agar Tak Lumpuh: Proyeksi Peran ASEAN dalam Penyelesaian Isu Semenanjung Korea ]]>
<![CDATA[Gaffar Mu’aqaffi]]>;
<![CDATA[Hafrian Yusuf Ramdhani]]>;
<![CDATA[Rizki Ananda]]>;
<![CDATA[Ahmad Naufal Farras]]>;
<![CDATA[Septian Wahyudi]]>;
<![CDATA[Addafi Aryaguna]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol. 3, No. 2 (Juli-Desember 2018), hlm. 87-186 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v3i2.22346
<![CDATA[As a regional organization, ASEAN has responsibility to solve the problem in Korean Peninsula. ASEAN’s involvement in effort to solve the problem in Korean Peninsula can be seen by the existence of ARF. Besides ARF, ASEAN also has many cooperations with other parties-involved that can be exploited as an instrument to solve the problem. However, ASEAN’s involvement only limited to the providing forum (ARF) for the parties involved in the problem. The limitation of ASEAN is interesting to discuss since it proved to be fail to provide concrete outcome. This writtings try to find the reasons behind the inability of ASEAN to solve the problem. Specifically, this writtings use the concept of bandwagon to analyse the cause of the limitation. The main argument of this writing is the inability of ASEAN is caused by bandwagon behavior of ASEAN countries to great power that involved in this problem.Keywords: ASEAN, Korean Peninsula, bandwagon]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia di Tengah Rivalitas China, Jepang, dan India: Tinjauan Buku ]]>
<![CDATA[Hardi Alunaza]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 4, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2019), hlm. 100-196 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v4i2.26702
<![CDATA[This book consists of 8 chapters that explain the strategic value of the Indo-Pacific region with the presence of strong rivalries such as China, Japan, and India that continue to take place at the regional and global levels which are still colored by the emergence of the role of the US. The first chapter discusses the growth of major powers in world order. The second chapter explains the rivalry of China and Japan in the region. The third chapter describes the rivalry of China and India in the region. The next chapter explains Indonesia and the rivalry of the major powers followed by aggressive Chinese expansion and sluggish Japanese performance. In the last three chapters this book tells a lot about Chinese gunboat diplomacy, the low intensity of Indonesia's relations with India, and conclusion about foreign policy doctrine and Indonesia's response.]]>
