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Contact Name
Mohamad Rosyidin
Contact Email
Mohamad.rosyidin@gmail.com
Phone
+6224-7465407
Journal Mail Official
indonesian.perspective@live.undip.ac.id
Editorial Address
Department of International Relations Faculty of Social and Political Sciences Universitas Diponegoro Jl. Prof. H. Soedarto, SH, Tembalang, Semarang, 50275
Location
Kota semarang,
Jawa tengah
INDONESIA
Indonesian Perspective
Published by Universitas Diponegoro
ISSN : 25022067     EISSN : 25481436     DOI : https://doi.org/10.14710/ip.v1i1.10430
Core Subject : Humanities, Social,
IP (Indonesian Perspective) is a scholarly journal published by the Department of International Relations, Diponegoro University. Appears two volumes a year, the journal covers broad subject areas ranging from international politics, global security, global political economy, diplomacy and foreign policy, transnational relations, to theoretical debates concerning contemporary global challenges. The name ‘Indonesian Perspective’ implies that all article submissions must meet requirement to connect their analysis to Indonesia foreign relations, either how Indonesia perceives global politics or how global politics affects Indonesia. It is important as part of a systematic effort to develop Indonesian school of IR in the long run. The Editor welcomes manuscript submission from academics, researchers, as well as practitioners around the globe to enhance our understanding regarding how global politics matters for Indonesia and vice versa.
Articles 133 Documents
Indonesia and ASEAN’s Refugee Deadlock: Between Regional Commitments and National Sovereignty Atin Prabandari; Emma Seruni Ketaren; Balya Arung Segara
Indonesian Perspective Vol 10, No 2 (2025): (Juli-Desember 2025)
Publisher : Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/ip.v10i2.76956

Abstract

This paper critically evaluates Indonesia’s involvement with ASEAN in the governance of refugees, contextualizing this within a regional impasse associated with an enduring prioritization of national sovereignty over collective obligations to promote humanitarian response. The paper examines Indonesia’s participation in the Bali Process, its bilateral refugee management efforts and its response to the Rohingya crisis to assess whether Indonesia is a positive or negative influence on the development of a cohesive ASEAN refugee framework. The results underscore the fragmented nature of ASEAN’s approach, driven by the principles of non-interference, the securitization of migration, and the lack of binding legal obligations, that stand in the way of the development of a structured and rights-based approach to asylum. As high-profile as Indonesia has been in demonstrating humanitarian leadership in some crises, it adopts restrictive domestic asylum policies that preclude engagement in foreign policy advocacy for regional solutions. The study contends that unless the region is able to transcend sovereignty-based limitations and adopt necessary institutional reforms, ASEAN’s standing regarding refugee governance will remain compromised.
Strategi Indonesia dalam Mendorong Diplomasi Maritim ASEAN untuk Membangun Stabilitas Keamanan Regional di tengah Dinamika Konflik Laut China Selatan Sri Yaumil Habibie
Indonesian Perspective Vol 10, No 2 (2025): (Juli-Desember 2025)
Publisher : Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/ip.v10i2.76361

Abstract

Konflik Laut China Selatan (LCS) menjadi tantangan keamanan maritim yang kompleks di Asia Tenggara, melibatkan klaim teritorial antara negara-negara ASEAN dan Tiongkok. Sebagai negara kepulauan terbesar dan pendiri ASEAN, Indonesia berperan strategis dalam mendorong diplomasi maritim untuk menjaga stabilitas kawasan. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis faktor pendukung dan penghambat keberhasilan Indonesia dalam diplomasi maritim ASEAN, serta merumuskan strategi peningkatan stabilitas keamanan regional di LCS. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan NVivo 12 Plus, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa diplomasi maritim Indonesia didukung oleh posisi geografis strategis dan peran historisnya di ASEAN. Inisiatif seperti East Asia Summit Statement dan ASEAN Seaport Interdiction Task Force mencerminkan kepemimpinan regional Indonesia. Namun, upaya ini terkendala oleh lemahnya kepemimpinan kolektif ASEAN dan rivalitas Tiongkok-Amerika Serikat. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa strategi Indonesia menekankan pendekatan non-konfrontatif berbasis hukum internasional dan prinsip bebas aktif, dengan peran sebagai mediator netral dalam dialog ASEAN-Tiongkok, termasuk penyusunan Code of Conduct (CoC). Diplomasi ini perlu diperluas untuk mencakup pengelolaan konflik, kerja sama ekonomi biru, dengan melakukan konvergensi kebijakan dengan negara anggota ASEAN lainnya seperti Malaysia. Pendekatan kooperatif ini diharapkan memperkuat pengaruh Indonesia sekaligus menjaga stabilitas dan sentralitas ASEAN.
Middle Income Trap: Mengapa Indonesia Sulit Menembus Major Power Global? Muhammad Muslim
Indonesian Perspective Vol 10, No 2 (2025): (Juli-Desember 2025)
Publisher : Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/ip.v10i2.73611

Abstract

The projection of Indonesia as the country with the fourth-largest economic power in 2045 has become one of the most widely discussed discourses, especially in the second term of President Joko Widodo's administration. The main argument is that Indonesia will receive a demographic dividend. Regarding economic material capacity, Indonesia's contribution to the global economy based on GDP, for example, is still far behind that of major powers. Indonesia's economic development exposure will not increase exponentially if it only relies on GDP growth. Indonesia's GDP in 2023 is equivalent to Italy's GDP in 2002. This means that Indonesia must wait a long time, or at least 21 years, until 2045 to become a new world economic power. This article tries to offer a conceptual idea that Indonesia must take first to realize its ambition as a new world power. Instead of relying only on material capacity, Indonesia needs to define its status in international relations. If not, then Indonesia will increasingly fall into the middle power trap, which hinders its steps to becoming a new major relevant power.Keywords: Indonesia, GDP, new major relevance power, middle power trap
Cooperation of Indonesia and China to Escalate Indonesia’s Maritime Infrastructure by Maritime Silk Road in the First Regime of Joko Widodo Desinta Nur Amanah; Afni Regita Cahyani Muis; Ida Susilowati; Hesti Rokhaniyah
Indonesian Perspective Vol 10, No 2 (2025): (Juli-Desember 2025)
Publisher : Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/ip.v10i2.77037

Abstract

indonesia has a great maritime potentiah, however it is constrained by infrastructure. Then, Indonesia has formed a strategic partnership with China through Belt Road Initiative, which provides funding, technology, technology, and development experience. This cooperation accelerates development, strengthens inter-island connectivity, and enhances global competitiveness. This research employs qualitative methods, including case studies and descriptive analysis based on secondary data. The analysis focuses on two concepts: bilateral economic cooperation in trade, investment, and infrastructure, and the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF), which emphasizes the development of maritime infrastructure and connectivity. Indonesia has gained some benefits, such as increased investment in economic sector development and modernization of maritime transport facilities. This cooperation also aligns with President Joko Widodo's vision to make Indonesia a global maritime hub through port development, maritime connectivity, and national maritime industry. 
Human Security and Civil Liberties In Protest Policing: A Comparative Study of Indonesia and South Korea Muhammad Fajhriyadi Hastira; Fathan Rafiqi; Ali Maksum; Septi Khairullah
Indonesian Perspective Vol 10, No 2 (2025): (Juli-Desember 2025)
Publisher : Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/ip.v10i2.79173

Abstract

This study aims to analyze how the policing of demonstrations in Indonesia and South Korea reflects the relationship between human security and civil liberties in the context of post-authoritarian democracy. Using a qualitative approach with a Most Similar Systems Design (MSSD), this study combines thematic analysis and narrative comparison of legal documents, human rights institution reports, and national and international media sources. The results show that although both countries have electoral democratic systems, fundamental differences arise in how the state interprets and implements public security. In Indonesia, the policing of demonstrations tends to perpetuate the authoritarian legacy through coercive legalism and digital surveillance, which suppresses public participation. In contrast, South Korea maintains a relative balance between control and the protection of citizens' rights. These findings expand our understanding of how technology, law, and political culture interact in shaping security practices in democratic countries. Theoretically, this research confirms the importance of the human security paradigm in evaluating democratic governance. Practically, the results encourage institutional reform and transparency in the use of surveillance technology, aligning with human rights principles. HUMAN SECURITY AND CIVIL LIBERTIES IN PROTEST POLICING: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF INDONESIA AND SOUTH KOREA
Indonesia’s Multi-alignment Strategy: Explaining OECD Accession and BRICS Membership Dewi Setiyaningsih; Thalassa Murti Jati; Anisa Rahmawati
Indonesian Perspective Vol 11, No 1 (2026): (Januari - Juni 2026)
Publisher : Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/ip.v11i1.85544

Abstract

This article examines Indonesia’s foreign policy under President Prabowo through the lens of neorealism. Amid intensification of geopolitical rivalries among great powers, Indonesia has actively pursued a strategy of multi-alignment. Drawing on neorealist assumptions, Indonesia’s foreign policy seeks to maximize national strategic autonomy through diversified bilateral and multilateral partnership. Indonesia demonstrates a pragmatic adaptation to structural constraints in the contemporary multipolar world order characterized by global political uncertainty; numerous middle power countries have started to respond by implementing multi-alignment strategy. Indonesia has taken the same initiatives. Under Prabowo’s leadership, Indonesia pursued BRICS membership and continued its OECD accession process as part of its economic and development cooperation initiatives. Notably, these two economic cooperation organizations represent two forces from opposing political blocs. This study examines Indonesia’s multi-alignment strategy under Prabowo’s leadership, with an emphasis on two significant policy moves in economic and development cooperation: OECD accession and BRICS membership. This study uses qualitative methods and draws on neorealist frameworks to investigate how Indonesia aims to enhance its global influence while maintaining its economic interest in the face of rising geopolitical rivalry between rich countries and the Global South. The findings show that Indonesia’s multi-alignment strategy is useful enough in securing Indonesia’s national interest. 
From Civilizational Aspiration to Foreign Policy Deliverability: Indonesia’s “Game Changer” Narrative Jacob Junian Endiartia
Indonesian Perspective Vol 11, No 1 (2026): (Januari - Juni 2026)
Publisher : Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/ip.v11i1.82681

Abstract

This article reframes the “game changer” thesis in Indonesian foreign policy as a programmatic form of strategic imagination rather than a predictive claim about national ascent. Drawing on Anis Matta’s Gelombang Ketiga Indonesia (2014) and Indonesia sebagai Game Changer (2024), the study reconstructs a repertoire of role claims—model-maker, bridge-builder, agenda-setter, humanitarian leader, and system-builder—and translates them into implied policy demands. These demands are filtered through a structured policy capacity diagnostic (analytical–operational–political × individual–organizational–systemic). Using focused Indonesia-centered illustrations, the article shows that deliverability hinges less on narrative ambition than on recurrent capacity signatures, particularly organizational–operational coordination and systemic–political legitimation. Adaptations such as quiet diplomacy, selective enactment, and narrative governance emerge as capacity-congruent outcomes rather than simple failure. The study contributes by linking role theory and policy capacity into a portable deliverability framework applicable to Muslim-majority democracies facing high civilizational ambition under institutional constraint.
Indonesia’s Diplomatic Efforts in WTO Reform after the 13th Ministerial Conference Zainur Ridho; Arie Kusuma Paksi
Indonesian Perspective Vol 11, No 1 (2026): (Januari - Juni 2026)
Publisher : Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/ip.v11i1.85712

Abstract

Structural stagnation in the World Trade Organization (WTO), such as the paralysis of the Appellate Body and inequality in subsidies and special treatment (S&DT) issues, has encouraged developing countries to demand more inclusive institutional changes. For Indonesia, this stagnation potentially threatens national interests in strategic sectors such as agriculture and fisheries. This study aims to analyze Indonesia's diplomatic strategy as a middle power in encouraging the transformation of the multilateral trading system after the 13th Ministerial Conference (MC13). Using a qualitative-descriptive approach through a single case study and thematic analysis of policy documents, this study found that Indonesia implemented multitrack diplomacy involving the Global South coalition (G33 and LMDC), normative advocacy, and a deliberative approach in multilateral negotiations. As a result, Indonesia managed to secure subsidy exemptions for small-scale fishers, push the principle of capacity-sensitive adjudication in the dispute settlement agenda, and defend the expansion of S&DT coverage. Theoretically, these findings strengthen the concept of middle power diplomacy by demonstrating the effectiveness of normative strategies in the face of global power asymmetry. This study recommends strengthening technical capacity and coordination among domestic institutions to support the consistency and sustainability of Indonesia's diplomatic position in international trade forums.
Upaya Indonesia dalam Mendorong Prioritisasi Perekonomian Negara Berkembang melalui G20: Perspektif Hyper-Globalist Ervin Ramadhan Imannulloh; Najamuddin Khairur Rijal
Indonesian Perspective Vol 7, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2022), hlm. 1-137
Publisher : Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/ip.v7i1.48186

Abstract

This study aims to discuss the role of Indonesia in the G20 as a representative of developing countries in designing global economic policies with priorities for developing countries. In addition, this study examines Indonesia’s involvement in the G20 which has always been pro-active in drafting global economic policies. Furthermore, this article will discuss Indonesia’s strategic position in the 2022 G20 Presidency. This article also tries to prove that the cooperation carried out by countries in the world benefits all parties. This is a rebuttal to the skeptics’ statement that cooperation only benefits developed countries. The concept used in this research is the globalist concept using the neoliberal institutionalism theory. This article uses a descriptive method with literature study research techniques. The results of this study found that the designs of Indonesia’s economic policies in the G20 had a major impact on the sustainability of the economic growth of other developing countries. In addition, the results of this study will also prove that cooperation in the form of an international forum such as the G20 benefits all parties, as stated by the hyper-globalists.
Understanding Indonesian Students’ Perceptions of Japan through One Piece as Cultural Diplomacy: The Case of Yogyakarta Khofiyatul Awaliyah; Isti Nur Rahmahwati
Indonesian Perspective Vol 11, No 1 (2026): (Januari - Juni 2026)
Publisher : Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/ip.v11i1.71860

Abstract

As a popular culture, One Piece anime is strategically utilized in cultural diplomacy to enhance Japan’s global influence and image on the international level. One Piece is popular in Indonesia, especially among university students in Yogyakarta. This study examines how the cultural diplomacy of One Piece influences perceptions of Indonesian students in Yogyakarta towards Japan’s identity and cultural values. By using Alexander Wendt’s social constructivism, this study emphasizes the importance of social interaction in the construction of Japanese cultural identity, norms, and values through the cultural diplomacy of One Piece in Indonesia, supported by the Cool Japan policy. This study uses primary data collection through a survey of 150 students who are One Piece fans in Yogyakarta, as well as secondary data from various relevant documents. The survey is processed using SPSS. The result shows that the popularity of One Piece in Yogyakarta encourages the acceptance of values such as hard work, solidarity (friendship), and respect (bushido) that are typical of Japanese culture. It also proves that cultural diplomacy of One Piece contributes significantly to strengthening Japan’s positive image in Yogyakarta, Indonesia.