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Contact Name
Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad
Contact Email
shofwan.albanna@gmail.com
Phone
+62217873744
Journal Mail Official
global@ui.ac.id
Editorial Address
Jl. Prof. Selo Soemardjan, Nusantara 2 2nd Floor, Faculty of Social and Political Science Universitas Indonesia, Depok City 16424, Indonesia
Location
Kota depok,
Jawa barat
INDONESIA
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 14115492     EISSN : 25798251     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/global
Core Subject :
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional is a biannual peer-reviewed journal that specialises in foreign policy, international security, international political economy, and transnational issues involving actors of the Global South, having implications towards the Global South, or perspectives from the Global South that are often overlooked in the mainstream journals in the Global North. With its first issue published in 1990, Global is the oldest university-based journal of International Relations in Indonesia, a historically leading actor in the Global South. Hosted by the Department of International Relations, Universitas Indonesia, Global has been serving as one of the primary platforms for ideas exchanges among Indonesia’s most influential thinkers and beyond. In its attempt to internationalise and further bridge the North and South perspectives, the journal welcomes submission of manuscripts that would be of interest to scholarly communities and policymakers. For this purpose, since 2019 Global only publishes articles in English. Global publishes two types of articles: original research articles offering theory-driven empirical analysis and review articles that critically examine contemporary debates in International Relations literature.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 233 Documents
Learning from Past Policy: Assessing United States Foreign Policy over Indonesia in Resolving the 1999 East Timor Crisis Nugroho, Sigit S.
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 23, No. 1
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Abstract

Assessing the output of past foreign policy is instrumental for any country to learn policy-relevant insights, to appreciate its experience, and to improve its future conduct. To glean such insights, this article borrows Baldwin’s framework in assessing the success and failure in foreign policy. Using a case study analysis, it assesses the United States’ (U.S.) influence attempt towards Indonesia to resolve the 1999 East Timor humanitarian crisis. President Clinton’s decision to undergo an influence attempt primarily aimed to change Indonesia’s policy while gaining support from U.S. allies in the process. The article finds that Clinton’s decision was a highly successful attempt. This finding is based on several factors: (1) the attempt effectively attained the intended primary and secondary goals at a considerably high degree; (2) it was conducted at a considerably low cost for the U.S.; (3) it inflicted a high cost towards Indonesia; (4) the increase in Clinton’s stake strengthened the U.S. resolve to pursue the influence attempt; and (5) Clinton had successfully overcome the difficult undertaking as Indonesia possessed higher stake over East Timor. These findings provide some lessons for both U.S. and Indonesian foreign policymakers to chart future relations for the two nations.
Norm Exemption in States’ NPT Nuclear Disarmament Obligations Masni, Melly
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 23, No. 1
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Abstract

The Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) is highly appreciated for its ability to stop further nuclear proliferation in the world. Since its existence, this treaty has been said to be successful in preventing potential states from possessing weapons of mass destruction. At least, there are more than 40 states who have the capability to develop their own nuclear programmes, although such programmes are restrained from coming to fruition. However, this successful story has not taken place in the area of nuclear disarmament. None of its nuclear weapon-owning members seem to proceed with realising a full disarmament aim. This raises the question of why the NPT is unable to achieve success in the field of nuclear disarmament as it has in the field of nuclear non-proliferation. The NPT does not only contain the idea of nuclear non-proliferation, but also the idea of nuclear disarmament. In understanding this question, using a political psychology approach, this study finds that nuclear-weapon states face the so-called moral dilemma between the desire to achieve national interests and the desire to fulfil social demands required by the international norm. By taking advantage of the shortcomings in the NPT narrative as well as relevant world situations, these states attempt to be exempted from dismantling nuclear weapons under their possession.
Global Actors’ Effort towards Gender Equality in Women's Health in East and Southern Africa Putri, Alvela Salsabilah; Choirunissa, Puti Jasmine; Salma, Riana
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 23, No. 1
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Abstract

According to 2020 UNAIDS data, there are approximately 20,700,000 people infected with HIV, with 12,900,000 infected are women in Eastern & Southern Africa. This condition is caused by the lack of health rights for women which is also based on the limited rights of women to matters such as education, employment and finance. This study aims to examine the role of global government in accommodating global actors to address issues of gender equality in women's health in Eastern and Southern Africa. This research is built on the concept of global governance theory and feminism. The research method used is qualitative research methods using case studies. This paper concludes that global actors (governmental and non-governmental) make important contributions through international cooperation and produce various programmes for women's empowerment and health assistance. These programmes and assistance are producing slow but steady changes to gender equality and the well-being of women in the Eastern and Southern Africa region. Because through these various health programmes and assistance, women in the Eastern and Southern Africa region can optimise their rights as women as well as human beings.
Cave! Hic Dragones: Understanding Neocolonialism in China’s Economic Diplomacy towards Angola Salsabila, Ghina; Kusumawardhana, Indra
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 23, No. 2
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Abstract

China is experiencing a fast and dynamic phase of economic development driven by its fast pace of industrialisation. The vast energy demand has pushed China to import energy from other countries with plentiful natural resources. To this aim, China conducts economic diplomacy worldwide, including Angola, a country with plentiful natural resources in Africa. The main concern of this research is China's economic diplomacy which is considered as a form of neocolonialism in this globalisation era. Therefore, the research question of this research is why China's economic diplomacy towards Angola constitutes neocolonialisation. To this aim, this study utilises the Neocolonialism theory in dissecting China's Economic Diplomacy against Angola. This study uses qualitative method with a case study approach using secondary data. Thus, the basis for this research is the author's interpretation. This research concludes that China's economic diplomacy towards Angola constitutes neocolonialisation since the economic means that China exerts on Angola enables China to indirectly control Angola's politics, economy and natural resources, which in turn leads to Angola's dependence on China.
The Dao in China’s Growing Presence in the South Pacific Khasanah, Yulian Maulida; Rosyidin, Mohamad; Hanura, Marten
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 23, No. 2
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The rise of China as one of the great powers in the international politic has been the hottest topic in the 21st century. Following the economic reform led by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, China re-emerges stronger than ever with its influences covering major parts of the world. One region particularly stands out since the prior dominance of United States therein, the South Pacific. The study of this research will be limited to 10 PICs recognising China, Vanuatu, Cook Island, FSM, Fiji, Niuee, PNG, Samoa, Tonga, Solomon Islands and Kiribati. Under the Western International Relations Theory (IRT) however, the rise of China is always seen in a rather malign manner. This research, therefore, contends that in order to fully understand China’s behaviour in the international community, we need to know how China perceives itself. By applying one of the most famous Chinese traditional school of thought, Daoism, this research aims to examine the strategy used in the expansion of China’s influence in the South Pacific. Daoism is symbolised with yin and yang, where the two elements are contradictory, yet they complement each other. Under the Dao dialectics, this research argues that China has been utilising a combination of two contradictory elements of power—soft and hard power—in expanding its prominence in the South Pacific region.
ASEAN Way: Managing Expectation in the Code of Conduct for the South China Sea Lardo, Naifa Rizani
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 23, No. 2
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Pessimistic perspectives on the ASEAN Way process frequently undermine the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in resolving the South China Sea (SCS) dispute. These justifications are addressed through the notion of power balance, which undermines the norm institutionalism framework that underlines the ASEAN Way’s foundation. This droves various conversations on ASEAN capabilities ahead of the ASEAN Way principle throughout the Code of Conduct for the South China Sea (COC for SCS) process, which questioned its expectations as a regional security body. This article offers insight on ASEAN’s regional security role in the SCS dispute peace process, guided by the question “What to expect from ASEAN Way in the process of COC for SCS?” Instead of following the power balance approach, this article suggests a norm-based institutionalism perspective through ASEAN Way to the COC process. The ASEAN Way was developed to facilitate security cooperation under flexible participation among relevant parties involved in the conflict. The ASEAN Way on COC for SCS contributes by allowing relevant actors to engage in peaceful dialogue despite the power imbalance that existed on the disputed sea. This flexible participation offered by ASEAN can deliver cooperative security to the Southeast Asia region in the interest of peace. Nonetheless, norm institutionalism also revealed limitations in ASEAN capability that impede the expectation of the formulation of COC for SCS to the resolution of SCS disputes.
The Roles of WHO in Handling Yemen Humanitarian Crisis during the COVID-19 Pandemic Andrini, Ghita Fadhila
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 23, No. 2
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Abstract

Yemen is noted to have the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. This condition is due to the civil war for the past six years, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, which emerged as a health security threat. This research aims to analyse the WHO’s role in responding health crisis in Yemen. By using qualitative methods and literature review approach, this article uses Atlas.ti to collect data regarding WHO’s activity in Yemen throughout the pandemic analysed by the international organisation’s role concept according to Clive Archer. The health security concept is also used to explain the health situation in Yemen during the pandemic. This research found accordance between WHO’s activities with Clive Archer’s idea of roles, mainly on its role as an independent actor to combat the health crisis in Yemen. However, the three roles are intertwined. As WHO has emphasised the importance of international aid to overcome Yemen’s health emergency, the writer recommends strengthening global solidarity with Yemen’s authority to improve health within the country.
Muslim Community in the Atmosphere of Populism in Norway Mahadika, Gilang
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 23, No. 2
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In the European nations, there has been a lot of discussions and arguments regarding the community who have a ‘migration background’. Migrants nowadays are more capable of competing against local residents in terms of looking for better employment and participating in the political activities in European countries. Consequently, it creates fear within ‘mainstream’ society since it is presumably able to threaten their way of life. This interesting moment can benefit the populist political parties for gaining voices from the majority population. But, in the aftermath of 22/7 terror attacks in Norway, it also created tension between locals and those who are considered having a ‘migration background’. The people who have migration background, especially Muslim community, already has long history of migration to Norway. Therefore, the research question is how the Muslim community adapt to the situation of populism in Norway. By using historical literatures and research articles regarding the aftermath of 22/7 terror attack, it shows that the intersectional approach is useful to see the intermingled aspects of class, identity, religion, nationality, gender, and ethnicity of marginalised communities. These migrants now are facing multiple discriminations. Protests in the public sphere as a way of adapting to the atmosphere of populism are considered as their struggles for citizenship since the government seems to fail at managing multicultural society, especially advocating the minority groups. This kind of situation is common in the era of populism emerging in many countries targeting minority groups as political manoeuvre in order to gain voices among the ‘common’ society.
Transnational Corporations and Human Rights Muhammed, Muhammed Hamid
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 23, No. 2
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International trade has introduced many features in its classical or contemporary practice wherein peoples respectfully exchanged goods and ideas. Unfortunately, the legacy of large multinational corporations, concerning human rights, has generally been dismal. It is recognised that states are the primary bearers of responsibility to respect, protect, fulfill, and promote human rights and freedoms. Current developments in the field of international human rights law, however, designated transnational corporations (hereafter TNCs), organisations, and individuals in a diagonal and/or horizontal responsibility on the respect and protection of human rights. The need to make these non-state actors, especially TNCs, responsible under international law is originated from their ever-increasing influence on state actors and their impact on the individuals’ enjoyment of their social, political, and economic rights. This article deals with the multidimensional influence of TNCs on the respect, protection, and fulfilment of fundamental human rights and demonstrates the possibilities of building legal obligation over them by reviewing existing literature.
Beyond Inclusion: Explaining China's Rejection on the Indo-Pacific Regional Construct Jaknanihan, Arrizal Anugerah
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 24, No. 1
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The concept of “Indo-Pacific” has been increasingly adopted in foreign policies during the past few years. Despite its multifaceted nature, China has consistently rejected the use of the Indo-Pacific concept in its official policy. Beijing’s attitude was reflected in Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s remarks that dismissed the Indo-Pacific as a “come-back of Cold War mentality” and “retrogression of history.” This study explains why China renounced the Indo-Pacific concept despite the increasing inclusion in defining the region. By employing realist constructivism theory, this paper finds that the prevalence of containment and anti-China narrative engenders Beijing’s threat perception to the concept. The dominant narratives in China’s regional strategy, such as “community of common destiny,” also affect how the country treats the Indo-Pacific as a Western-centric concept, aimed to limit China’s influence. Beyond seeking inclusion from the Indo-Pacific conception, China advances its own vision to the region. China’s vision is projected through the Belt and Road Initiatives and various concepts to shape regional order in Beijing's preference.