cover
Contact Name
Noviyanti Azis
Contact Email
jihif@unifa.ac.id
Phone
+6282187822286
Journal Mail Official
jihif@unifa.ac.id
Editorial Address
Redaksi Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar, Gedung Universitas Fajar, lantai 2, (Jl. Prof. Abdurahman Basalamah No.101, Karampuang, Kec. Panakkukang, Kota Makassar, Sulawesi Selatan 90231)
Location
Kota makassar,
Sulawesi selatan
INDONESIA
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar
Published by Universitas Fajar
ISSN : 30254515     EISSN : 30217830     DOI : https://doi.org/10.47354/jiihif.v1i1
Diplomasi, Ekonomi Politik Internasional, Media dan Komunikasi Politik Internasional, Studi Keamanan, Gender dan Feminisme, Globalisasi dan Demokrasi, Studi Agama, Identitas dan Peradaban.
Articles 48 Documents
Konteks Ancaman Keamanan Energi Arab Saudi Dalam Perspektif Sovereignty, Robustness, dan Resilience Ammar, M. Almer
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025): Edisi Desember
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jihif.v4i1.1077

Abstract

The drone attacks on Saudi Arabia's oil infrastructure in Abqaiq-Khurais in 2019 marked a critical turning point in national energy security strategy. This study analyzes the context of Saudi Arabia's energy security threats through three theoretical perspectives by Cherp & Jewell (2011): sovereignty, robustness, and resilience. Using a descriptive qualitative approach, the study identifies physical vulnerabilities of energy infrastructure due to extreme weather and domestic dependence on a single energy source (robustness), challenges to energy sovereignty such as U.S. dominance in arms procurement and economic dependence on oil exports (sovereignty), as well as adaptation efforts to geopolitical threats and cyberattacks (resilience). The findings show that Saudi Arabia has taken strategic steps, including export market diversification, development of renewable energy (e.g., NEOM Green Hydrogen project), investment in anti-drone technology, and strengthening of human resource capacity. However, the transformation toward a sustainable energy system still faces structural and geopolitical barriers. Keywords: Energy Security, Arab Saudi, Threat of Energy Security
Upaya Diplomasi Indonesia melalui Concrete Deliverables pada Presidensi G20 2022 Haydar, Ahmad Faishal; Utomo, Ario Bimo
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025): Edisi Desember
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jihif.v4i1.1082

Abstract

Indonesia's G20 Presidency in 2022 marked a significant moment for the country to demonstrate global leadership amid geopolitical tensions and economic uncertainty. This study examines Indonesia's diplomatic efforts through concrete deliverables under the theme "Recover Together, Recover Stronger." By analyzing key outcomes—such as the Bali Leaders' Declaration, the establishment of the Pandemic Fund, and initiatives supporting digital transformation and sustainable energy—this research highlights Indonesia's role in fostering multilateral cooperation. The study employs qualitative methods, including document analysis and expert interviews, to assess how Indonesia navigated complex global challenges while advancing its national interests. Findings suggest that Indonesia successfully leveraged its G20 presidency to strengthen its diplomatic influence, promote inclusive economic recovery, and position itself as a credible mediator in global governance. The research contributes to understanding middle-power diplomacy in multilateral forums and offers insights into Indonesia's evolving role in shaping international policy agendas. Keywords: Indonesia, G20, Diplomacy, Concrete Deliverables
Peran Australia sebagai Middle Power dalam Menjaga Keseimbangan Kekuatan di Kawasan Indo-Pasifik melalui Kebijakan Pertahanan 2020 Defence Strategic Update Hanifa Salsabila; Annisya Agustin; Crysti Ayu Andina; Elita Aditya
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 4 No. 2 (2026): Edisi Juni
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jihif.v4i2.1033

Abstract

Australia as a middle power in maintaining the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region through the 2020 Defence Strategic Update policy. Since the release of this policy, Australia has demonstrated a significant transformation in its defense posture as a response to increasingly complex regional security dynamics. This research aims to analyze how Australia positions itself amid the geopolitical competition between the United States and China, as well as the strategies employed to maintain its national interests. Using a qualitative descriptive method based on literature studies, this research highlights four main dimensions of Australia's role: enhancement of strategic military capabilities, strengthening of regional security alliances, development of defense self-reliance, and diplomatic efforts within the Indo-Pacific security architecture. The results show that through the 2020 Defence Strategic Update, Australia seeks to play a constructive role as a middle power to maintain regional stability while strengthening its position in a rapidly changing security landscape. Keywords: Middle power, Australia, Indo-Pacific, balance of power, 2020 Defence Strategic Update, defense policy.
KEPENTINGAN AUSTRALIA MELALUI HUBUNGAN DIPLOMATIK DENGAN INDONESIA DALAM PENYELESAIAN KONFLIK PAPUA Geofany Dwiky Kurniawan; Ayu Sulistiarini; Arzidan Fadhlurrahman; Raihan Adrian Hermawan; Roy Setiawan
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 4 No. 2 (2026): Edisi Juni
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jihif.v4i2.1038

Abstract

This journal aims to analyze Australia's interests through diplomatic relations with Indonesia in resolving the West Papua conflict. Using qualitative methods, this journal examines how Australia intervenes in human rights issues in Papua starting from the refugee case in 2006 which affected its diplomatic relations with Indonesia. The results of the discussion indicate that there are national interests that Australia wants to achieve in its intervention in the West Papua conflict. Australia applies quiet diplomacy in an effort to maintain diplomatic relations with Indonesia. At the same time, Australia also responds to domestic pressure on human rights violations in West Papua. Papua is also one of Australia's import sources for processed wood, oil, gas, fish and other marine animals which makes the Papua region economically important for Australia. Neorealism theory can be used to explain Australia's attitude as a strategy to fulfill its national interests amidst the tension of geopolitical dynamics. Keywords: Geopolitics, Indo-pacific, Interest, Human Rights, Bilateral
Mekanisme Penyelesaian Sengketa WTO dalam Kasus Lisensi Impor Produk Holtikultura dan Hewan Indonesia Salwa Hayati; Zahwa Tsamara Shafwah
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 4 No. 2 (2026): Edisi Juni
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jihif.v4i2.1170

Abstract

This article examines the World Trade Organization’s Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) through the case Indonesia – Importation of Horticultural Products, Animals and Animal Products (DS477/DS478). Conceptually, the DSB ensures due process, transparency, and legal certainty under the DSU, moving through consultations, panel proceedings, Appellate Body review, adoption, and surveillance (WTO, 1994; Marceau, 2018). The literature positions DS477/DS478 as a landmark on how non- automatic import licensing via narrow application windows, short validity periods, minimum realization requirements, and time-of-year restrictions can amount to prohibited quantitative restrictions under GATT Article XI:1 (WTO, 2014; USTR, 2017; Dukgeun & Gnutzmann- Mkrtchyan, 2019). Indonesia’s defenses under Article XX failed to meet the standards of contribution, proportionality, and availability of less trade-restrictive alternatives (WTO, 2017a; Miryanti & Baniyah, 2023). After the ruling, Indonesia adjusted regulations (e.g., 2018 ministerial rules) to improve formal compliance, yet implementation challenges transparency, inter-agency coordination, and technical monitoring remained salient (Dianawati, 2021). The review underscores that import policy design must be evidence-based, proportionate, non- discriminatory, transparent, and predictable, so that legitimate objectives food security, farmer protection can be achieved without breaching multilateral trade disciplines. The findings offer lessons for developing members in balancing domestic regulatory autonomy with international obligations when crafting import licensing regimes. Keywords: WTO; DSB/DSU; import licensing; GATT Article XI; Article XX; DS477/DS478; implementation of the ruling.
EFEKTIVITAS ASEAN DAN UNCLOS DALAM PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA LAUT CHINA SELATAN: STUDI KASUS FILIPINA-TIONGKOK Shezy Solevina Putri; Bella Sai'dah Hoerul Nisa; Elly Nurlia
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 4 No. 2 (2026): Edisi Juni
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jihif.v4i2.1173

Abstract

Ambiguity and the absence of autonomous sanction mechanisms within the UNCLOS structure have led to paralysis in its enforcement. Meanwhile, ASEAN is trapped in consensus paralysis due to the principle of non-intervention and internal fragmentation. The failure of peacemaking is manifested through the non-binding DOC and the stagnation of the COC. The failure of peacekeeping is manifested through the escalation of direct violence, ranging from militarization to ship collisions between the Philippines and China. Intensive interactions between structural violence through institutional paralysis, cultural violence through the legitimization of the nine-dash line, and direct violence through physical actions ultimately create an endless cycle of conflict. Thus, the achievement of positive peace as a conflict resolution is merely an illusion, so that this dispute will always be dominated by power rather than rules. Keywords — South China Sea, Effectiveness, ASEAN, UNCLOS, Conflict Resolution
PARADOKS KEMAKMURAN: PERBANDINGAN SISTEM OTORITARISME NEGARA SINGAPURA DAN MYANMAR Bella Saidah; Shezy Solevina; Elly Nurlia
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 4 No. 2 (2026): Edisi Juni
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jihif.v4i2.1174

Abstract

Comparative political studies confront a fundamental paradox: the similarity of authoritarian systems between two countries does not guarantee identical economic outcomes. In Southeast Asia, Singapore (implementing an authoritarian system, lacking natural resources but prosperous) and Myanmar (implementing an authoritarian system, rich in natural resources but experiencing economic crisis) are two examples. This study aims to analyze the disparity in economic outcomes using Douglass North's institutional theory. This study employed a qualitative method with a case study approach, and data collection was conducted through literature review. The findings suggest that Myanmar implements a hard authoritarianism (extractive state) where informal institutions (military patronage and kleptocracy) cripple formal institutions, creating destructive incentives. Conversely, Singapore implements a soft authoritarianism (developmental state) where informal institutions (meritocracy and anti- corruption) strengthen pro-market formal institutions, encouraging productive investment. Thus, the primary determinant behind the extreme disparity in prosperity between these two countries is not the type of political regime but rather the quality and congruence of institutions. Keywords: Authoritarianism, Informal Institutions, Douglass North, Singapore, Myanmar
Ketidakhadiran Negara dan Ketahanan Ekonomi Ilegal: State Fragility di Pedesaan Kolombia M. Rezky Fatiha Thamrin; Imam Fadhil Nugraha
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar Vol. 4 No. 2 (2026): Edisi Juni
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Fajar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47354/jihif.v4i2.1272

Abstract

This study explores how the structural absence of the state facilitates the persistence of illegal economic activities through governance mechanisms that exclude the state in rural areas of Colombia. Although Colombia has a globally recognized democratic system of government, the state has consistently failed to establish a tangible presence in remote areas. For years, these regions have been dominated by various armed groups such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN). Using a qualitative approach focused on library research, this study combines three main analytical frameworks: state instability, non-state governance, and the illegal economy as a resilience system. The research findings indicate that the absence of the state in rural Colombia is not merely due to the lack of public services. It is also a condition actively shaped by historical political decisions that have neglected peripheral regions. These structural conditions create an opening that armed groups systematically exploit by offering an effective alternative form of governance, while the coca economy serves as the material foundation that continuously reinforces and perpetuates this cycle. This explains why interventions that focus solely on a single aspect of the cycle never yield significant structural change. Keywords: State Fragility, State Absence, Illegal Economy, Non-State Governance, Colombia