Politea : Jurnal Pemikiran Politik Islam
Politea : Jurnal Pemikiran Politik Islam is peer-reviewed and open access journal published by Department of Islamic Political Thought, Faculty of Da’wah and Islamic Communication, Sunan Kudus Islamic State University. Politea is registered with E-ISSN: 2657-1560 and P-ISSN: 2621- 0312. Every article published in Politea has been assigned with DOI (prefix by crossref: 10.21043) and indexed in Science and Technology Index (SINTA). Politea is available online in 2018 and published twice a year in June and December. Politea aims to provide readers with highly scholarly articles related to the discourse of Islamic political thought covering some following topics: (1) Classical and contemporary islamic political thought (2) Islam and public policy (3) Islamic political leadership (4) Islam, gender, and politics (5) Islam, democracy, and civil society (6) Islamic political party, election, and legislation (7) State and islamic government system (8) Islamic political issues at global level
Articles
100 Documents
<![CDATA[Hagia Sophia dan Kebangkitan Politik Islam di Turki? ]]>
<![CDATA[ POLITEA Vol 3, No 2 (2020): Politea : Jurnal Pemikiran Politik Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic Institute of Kudus (IAIN Kudus) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.21043/politea.v3i2.8810
<![CDATA[Hagia Sophia and the rise of Islamic politics in Turkey. Erdogan’s decision to take over Hagia Sophia as a mosque has received any responses from various parties both those who supported and critized it, from the government officials to the general public. Some of Muslim-majority countries generally support the Turkish government policy. However, domestically, the debate over this decision devide Turkish people into religious and secular parties. This paper aims to identifies why the shifted of Hagia Sophia as a mosque has become a monumental event and how its impact toward the growing of Islamic movements in Turkey.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Komparatif Model Dialektika Pos-Islamisme di Dunia Islam antara Arab Saudi dan Iran ]]>
<![CDATA[ POLITEA Vol 6, No 2 (2023): Politea : Jurnal Pemikiran Politik Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic Institute of Kudus (IAIN Kudus) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.21043/politea.v6i2.23460
<![CDATA[This study aims to analyze the relationship between Islam and the state in Saudi Arabia and Iran, using the approach of post-Islamism. Post-Islamism is a concept that refers to the shift of Islamist groups towards modernity and democracy. It was first introduced by Iranian intellectual, Asef Bayat, in the 1990s. Since then, it has been used to analyze the phenomenon of political Islam in different countries, especially after the Cold War. In Saudi Arabia, changes have occurred since Mohammed bin Salman was appointed as crown prince in 2016. In Iran, civil society actions, such as the 2022 death of Mahsa Amini, have driven the change. The research problem is to compare the post-Islamism model that occurs in Saudi Arabia and Iran. The comparative case study method with library research techniques was used. The research findings show that the pattern of post-Islamism in Saudi Arabia differs from that of Iran. In Saudi Arabia, post-Islamism is top-down, starting from state politics without civic movement. However, Iran illustrates the opposite - it is bottom-up and initiated by civil society against the state.]]>
<![CDATA[China Strategic Roles Over Artic Region After U.S- Russia Diplomatic Drift in 2015 Crimean Crisis ]]>
<![CDATA[ POLITEA Vol 1, No 2 (2018): POLITEA ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic Institute of Kudus (IAIN Kudus) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.21043/politea.v1i2.4316
<![CDATA[Arctic regions, on the northern pole of the earth, have attracted many countries with various interests. The United States, Russia and several Scandinavian countries, each have claims over its regions, which are known to have abundance natural resource. Besides its potential, Artic also become the most vulnerable area whom embrace the direct impact of global warming. Russia as a country with wide territorial borders directly to Arctic region, certainly has a big role in this region. But, Rusia’s relationship with several Western countries such as the US and Canada had not been in a good condition in 2015, since the Crimean crisis. Several psywar through mass media, even led Russian President Vladimir Putin decides to leave the G20 Annual Summit. Putin’s gesture somehow was seen as Russia implied response to the world related to the Crimea crisis which boldly stated that Russia was not afraid of the threat. The instability of Russia's relations with its neighboring countries which incidentally also borders the Arctic region opens the role of other countries to participate in this region, including China. This articles focused on describing out the China Strategic Policy in the Arctic region by identifying its national interests, and what policies China has taken to achieve its goals. The concept of securitization developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever is used as an analytical tool to identify China's strategic role in the Arctic region Keywords: China, securitization, national interest , Artic Region]]>
<![CDATA[Wacana Poros Partai Islam untuk PILPRES 2024: Politik Identitas atau Penggalangan Suara Oposisi? ]]>
<![CDATA[ POLITEA Vol 4, No 2 (2021): Politea : Jurnal Pemikiran Politik Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic Institute of Kudus (IAIN Kudus) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.21043/politea.v4i2.11735
<![CDATA[Amidst increasing polarization of society after the 2014 and 2019 presidential elections, identity politics has been reintroduced by Islamic political parties. PKS and PPP are trying to initiate the Islamic pollitical axis for 2024 elections. The discourse about Islamic political axis springs due to the fact that incumbents cannot re-nominate as president for next election. Secondly, public trust level toward the executive has decreased due to various unpopular policies that brought about increasing critical voices toward the government. From the internal ummah, the presence of Islamic political figures who consitently won various surveys, stimulates the passion of Islamic political parties to form coalitions to win 2024 presidential election. This study uses a qualitative approach with content analysis methods toward various sources of literature; book, ebook, scientific journals, articles on conference proceedings, as well as journalistic works on the Islamic political axis discourse from identity politics theory, and theories of party coalition’s perspective that introduced by Lijphart and Rikers. The phenomenon of the coalition of Islamic political parties – once called the center axis – has succeeded in bringing KH Abdurrahman Wahid as President, defeating the candidate of the party that won the 1999 election. The similarity of identity (ideological) and interests (pragmatic) became the basis of the coalition of Islamic political parties. In addition to these two reasons, the discourse of the Islamic axis coalition in the 2024 election is also motivated by dissatisfaction with the performance and policies of the incumbent government. The regulation of the Presidential Threshold for presidential candidacy as stated by law number 7 year 2017 makes the coalition of Islamic political parties can be function as an alternative house in accomodating opposition voices. However, the elite of Islamic political parties is divided in responding to the discourse of the Islamic political axis. PKS, PPP, PKB. PBB, and Masyumi (Reborn) supports the idea of a coalition based on political calculations and the interests of each political party. On the other hand, PAN and the Gelora Party reject the discourse which is worried to be increasing polarization in Indonesian society. The Ummat Party's skepticism is backed by the view that the existing parliamentary Islamic political parties are not serious to grasp the aspirations of the ummah and have not been able to offer alternative policies for a better Indonesia. ]]>
<![CDATA[Perebutan Otoritas Keagamaan: Persaingan Kekuasaan dibalik Debat Nasab Ba' Alawi ]]>
<![CDATA[ POLITEA Vol 7, No 1 (2024): Politea : Jurnal Pemikiran Politik Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic Institute of Kudus (IAIN Kudus) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.21043/politea.v7i1.28727
<![CDATA[Di Indonesia, kategori ulama terdiri dari dua kelompok agamawan, yakni kiai dan habaib. Keduanya terlibat aktif dalam totalitas dakwah yang responsif terhadap keadaan masyarakat. Sehingga masyarakat tidak hanya menjadikan ulama sebagai rujukan keilmuan, namun sekaligus pertimbangan dalam menentukan pilihan-pilihan hidup, termasuk politik. Semakin banyak pengikut yang menyerahkan loyalitasnya kepada ulama, maka pengaruh dan kekuasaan yang dimiliki ulama bertambah besar. Implikasi politisnya, ulama mulai bersaing untuk mendapatkan banyak pengikut yang bisa dipertukarkan dengan manfaat berupa materi dan kedudukan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menelaah dinamika perdebatan nasab Ba ‘Alawi antara kelompok pro-Imad dengan pro-habaib. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, penelitian ini berhasil mengumpulkan data primer berupa argumentasi kedua kelompok, sekaligus data sekunder dengan mengelaborasi studi literatur berupa sejarah dan perilaku politik ulama. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan, bahwa perdebatan nasab memiliki unsur persaingan otoritas dan perebutan pengaruh antara sejumlah kiai Jawa dan habaib untuk mendominasi status dan manfaat yang menguntungkan.]]>
<![CDATA[Sekularisme Ataturk: “Madaniyah” atau “Lā Dῑniyah”? (Tipologi Sekularisme Ataturk ) ]]>
<![CDATA[ POLITEA Vol 2, No 2 (2019): POLITEA Jurnal Pemikiran Politik Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic Institute of Kudus (IAIN Kudus) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.21043/politea.v2i2.5772
<![CDATA[This article outlines the question whether Ataturk's secularism has the dimension of abolition of religion (lā dῑniyah) as assumed by many people or has the dimension of state domination over religion which is an expression of nationalism? This is because most classical Islamic political thinkers view that the relationship between religion and state is an organic unity, which cannot be separated from one another. The institutional form for the organic relationship arises in the form of a khilafah. These conditions describe the relationship between politics or power and religion as a symbiotic relationship that is mutually beneficial. As Europeans entered the Middle East, modern thoughts in the region also entered, one of which was kemalism. It was with this understanding that Ataturk in Turkey shocked the Islamic political world by displacing the already weak Ottoman Caliphate. The ideology of kemalism is caused by Ataturk actually a nationalist who admires the west, who wants the progress of Islam, therefore, according to him, it needs to be renewed in matters of religion to suit the Turkish soil. Thus, the practice of secularism in Turkey, broadly, belongs to the category of semi-secular practice, or typology of differential secularism, or "madaniyah". Because Ataturk places religion under state power, not abolishing or even destroying religion]]>
<![CDATA[Pandangan Politik Luar Negeri Arab Saudi terhadap Genosida Israel atas Palestina Tahun 2023 ]]>
<![CDATA[ POLITEA Vol 8, No 1 (2025): Politea : Jurnal Pemikiran Politik Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic Institute of Kudus (IAIN Kudus) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.21043/politea.v8i1.30860
<![CDATA[Genosida tidak seharusnya dilakukan oleh negara manapun. Genosida tidak saja menghilangkan nyawa manusia secara massif, tapi juga krisis kemanusiaan kompleks. Demikian genosida yang dialami bangsa Palestina oleh Israel. Apa yang berlangsung di Palestina sejak Okotober 2023 tersebut mengundang reaksi dunia internasional, termasuk Arab Saudi. Hal tersebut mendorong penulis untuk mengkaji politik luar negeri Arab Saudi terhadap genosida Israel terhadap Palestina. Mengacu pada pernyataan di atas, rumusan masalah yang diangkat yaitu Bagaimana Politik Luar Negeri Arab Saudi terhadap genosida Israel atas Palestina terutama sejak Tufan Al Aqsha 2023? Untuk menjawab rumusan masalah tersebut penulis menggunakan teori politik luar negeri dari John Lovell. Penulis memilih metode kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui studi literatur yang bersumber dari buku, jurnal atau bacaan lainnya yang relevan dan otoritatif. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian Arab Saudi memiliki kepentingan Saudi Vision 2030 serta sebagai wajah negara Muslim dari Timur Tengah dan sekutu Amerika Serikat mencoba untuk menjadi pemimpin pengambil keputusan dengan sangat bijaksana dan hati-hati. Bahwa sikap politik luar negeri Arab Saudi terhadap persoalan di Palestina sangat berkaitan dengan Saudi Vision 2030.]]>
<![CDATA[The Political Strategy of a Migrant Candidate in Pilkades of Batu Meranti Village ]]>
<![CDATA[ POLITEA Vol 3, No 1 (2020): Politea : Jurnal Pemikiran Politik Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic Institute of Kudus (IAIN Kudus) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.21043/politea.v3i1.7389
<![CDATA[In academic literature, the term political identity such as primordial is nothing new, Clifford Geertz, as an American anthropologist introduced that term in the 1960s. Indonesia as a multicultural nation with diverse identities also has a political identity’s problem even at the national or local level. This study has brings the opponent's argument which found that Primordial issues are not the determinant factor of people's choice in a political election, cause identity was fluid, have interchangeable nature, and related in many aspects. This research used a qualitative method with a study cased approach located in Batu Meranti Villages, in South Kalimantan. Key informants were all of the candidates, the winning team of candidates, KPU, BPD, and the community in Batu Meranti Village. The data collection techniques are carried out by field research techniques, library research techniques, and documentation method techniques. The result was shown that people's perspectives have transformed the identity issue to be habitus of all candidates. The migrant candidate political strategy to win the political scramble was used the harmonization of generated formula to use his personality, economic capital, and most people's concern about those village. The migrant candidates have used the opportunity to show his personality as philanthropist and concern with soccer to get a good image and get support from society. In the end, the personality of a candidate has been replaced by the identity issue in a local election. ]]>
<![CDATA[Praktik E-Voting Muktamar Muhammadiyah ke-48: Pendalaman Demokrasi dan Refleksi Etika Politik Islam ]]>
<![CDATA[ POLITEA Vol 6, No 1 (2023): Politea : Jurnal Pemikiran Politik Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic Institute of Kudus (IAIN Kudus) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.21043/politea.v6i1.19839
<![CDATA[This paper wants to reveal the contestation of power in Islamic mass organizations. The contestation for power that usually runs hot turns out to be cold and shady in the Muhammadiyah organization. This progressive Islamic movement uses the e-voting system in its election process. This process started with the selection of 216 leadership candidates, then narrowed down to 126 prospective candidates, 92 prospective candidates, up to 39 candidates and ended with 13 leadership. The tiered selection process from the tanwir meeting until the 13 leaders were elected was carried out through e-voting. There are several advantages of this e-voting system, it is more practical and more time and energy efficient. The e-voting process is also a process of deepening and maturing democracy in the future. Where there are no prominent factions, there are no SARA issues and there is no money politics. Furthermore, if we reflect according to Islamic political ethics, the correct practice of the Muhammadiyah Conference is. How can the values of al is, al musawah, al amanah, al musulliyah and al hurriyah be applied to all the organizing committee, participants and cheerleaders of the Muktamar Muhammadiyah, to become an added value for this Islamic mass organization. The research method we used to compile this research is a qualitative method with a case study type. The practical recommendations that we provide include that the neatly arranged system in Muhammadiyah Ormas can be implemented by other mass organizations or groups. As for theoretical recommendations, namely the need to make a standard approach related to the ideal concept of e-voting,]]>
<![CDATA[Quo Vadis Ormas Islam Moderat Indonesia? Meneropong Peran NU-Muhammadiyah di Era Revolusi Industri 4.0 ]]>
<![CDATA[ POLITEA Vol 1, No 1 (2018): POLITEA ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic Institute of Kudus (IAIN Kudus) ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.21043/politea.v1i1.4310
<![CDATA[This paper aims to discuss the practice of Islamic moderation which has been carried out by the two largest Islamic mass organizations in Indonesia, namely the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyyah primarily in the era of the Industrial Revolution (RI) 4.0. This article is written with the library research method. This study is descriptive explorative which analyzes the challenges of Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyyah in the aspects of da'wah and social in the fourth industrial revolution era. The conclusions of this study are: 1) NU and Muhammadiyah consistently guard the Indonesian nation with the value of Islamic moderation, without colliding between Islam and the Indonesian State; 2) Era (RI) 4.0 which is also known as the era of disruption requires NU and Muhammadiyyah to take part in utilizing technology to respond to the progress of the times in today's society. 3) In answering the challenges in this era of disruption, the two Islamic organizations need to make strategic efforts to counter Islamic radicalism, especially in the digital world; Key Words: Moderation, Islam, Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyyah, Industrial Revolution 4.0. ]]>
