STUDIA ISLAMIKA
STUDIA ISLAMIKA (ISSN 0215-0492; E-ISSN: 2355-6145) is a journal published by the Center for the Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) UIN Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta. It specializes in Indonesian Islamic studies in particular, and Southeast Asian Islamic studies in general, and is intended to communicate original researches and current issues on the subject. This journal warmly welcomes contributions from scholars of related disciplines.
STUDIA ISLAMIKA, published three times a year since 1994, is a bilingual journal (English and Arabic) that aims to provide readers with a better understanding of Indonesia and Southeast Asia’s Muslim history and present developments through the publication of articles, research reports, and book reviews from Indonesian and international scholars alike.
STUDIA ISLAMIKA has been accredited by The Ministry of Education and Culture, Republic of Indonesia as an academic journal (SK Dirjen Dikti No. 56/DIKTI/Kep/2012).
Articles
651 Documents
Syariat dan Reformasi Hukum di Indonesia Kontemporer
Taufik Adnan Amal
Studia Islamika Vol 15, No 1 (2008): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University
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DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v15i1.540
Book Review: Nadirsyah Hosen, Shari'a and Constitutional Reform in lndonesia Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies [ISEAS], Singapore, 2007; x + 271pp., bibliografi, indeksThis book clearly provides a valuable contribution to theory regarding constitutional reformation in Indonesia and the relevance of Islamic law institutions. This book is not only important for understanding political movements seeking to strengthen the role of Islam in the political and social sphere in Indonesia, but it is also significant for studies about the inclusion of aspects of Islamic law in the Constitution. For this reason, this book is certainly a must read for those studying-or simply interested in-the field of constitutional reform and law in IndonesiaDOI: 10.15408/sdi.v15i1.540
Otoritas Keislaman di Indonesia: Sebuah Pembacaan Ulang
Mardian Sulistyati
Studia Islamika Vol 29, No 1 (2022): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University
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DOI: 10.36712/sdi.v29i1.24649
Ismail Fajrie Alatas. 2021. What Is Religious Authority? Cultivating Islamic Communities in Indonesia. Princeton & Oxford: Princeton University Press.This book discusses the authority of the source of knowledge of the saints in the archipelago. The stories and cases in this book show how the diversity and uniqueness of the previous saints crossed and merged into the complex culture of the archipelago while opening up new channels for transmitting the teachings of the Prophet. The main argument is the ethnographic and anthropological proof of how hard work of translation, mobilization, collaboration, and political competition are the key elements that shape the strength and diversity of the understanding of Islam in Indonesia. There is a close connection between the prophetic past and every life’s cultural particularity, which transcends regional boundaries. Thus, instead of reinforcing the view that Islam is a “finished religion” and monolithic, this finding shows us that Islam is a “religion that has always become” and pluralistic.
What Makes Islamic Microfinance Islamic? A Case of Indonesia’s Bayt al-Māl wa al-Tamwīl
Hyung-Jun Kim;
Bambang Hudayana
Studia Islamika Vol 29, No 1 (2022): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University
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DOI: 10.36712/sdi.v29i1.17862
This article highlights the weaknesses in the formalistic approach to Islamic finance which deals mainly with shariah compliance. This research examines religious elements that consist in the operations of the Indonesian Islamic microfinance institution by criticizing it for the costs of transactions, the composition of contracts, and the procedures for murābaḥah (working capital finance). Acknowledging that shariah principles were compromised to some extent, the BMT’s employees did not question the Islamic character and identity of the BMT. Highlighting their commitments to improving the economic conditions of the Muslim community, active involvement in charity and socio-religious works, business practices caring for the unfortunate people, and their Islamic networks, the employees believe that the BMT has implemented Islamic values. For them, Islamic finance is not only attributed to sharia compliance, but it must also contain a wide range of religious tendencies and practices. By stressing the importance of the aspirations and commitments of Muslim activists, this paper widens the discussion of how to vitalize Islamic finance.
Al-Ta‘līm al-Islāmī al-maftūḥ ladá KH. Sahal Mahfudz (1937-2014)
Irham Irham
Studia Islamika Vol 29, No 1 (2022): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University
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DOI: 10.36712/sdi.v29i1.14657
KH. Sahal Mahfudz represents Indonesia’s traditional ulama (salaf) with an open mind to change. His existence is crucial because he has held various highest positions in several leading Indonesian religious institutions, such as Chairman (Rais Aam) of the Nahdlatul Ulama Executive Board (PBNU) for three periods and as Chairman of the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) for 15 years. This article highlights his thoughts on integrating Islamic education with socio-cultural and scientific contexts. By examining his works, this article concludes that Islamic education, according to KH. Sahal Mahfudz has an integrative function with four main criteria. First, it has an integrated fundamental role. Second, it is not closed, not isolated from the socio-cultural context and has an accommodative attitude, and is open to revitalization. Third, it supports an interdisciplinary-multidisciplinary way of thinking. Fourth, it has an innovative character by bringing together tradition and modernity. From these findings, this article mentions these ideas as open Islamic education of KH. Sahal Mahfudz.
Restructuring Traditional Islamic Education in Indonesia: Challenges for Pesantren Institution
Ervan Nurtawab;
Dedi Wahyudi
Studia Islamika Vol 29, No 1 (2022): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University
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DOI: 10.36712/sdi.v29i1.17414
This article examines the current traditional Islamic education in Indonesian Islamic boarding schools, known as pesantren, following the passing of the pesantren bill into legislation by the Indonesian People’s Representative Council in September 2019. We focus on aspects of the Pesantren Legislation (Undang-Undang Pesantren), which recognises pesantren as a new type of formal education and regulates the way the pesantren system is managed. People who engage in the pesantren system will certainly take advantage of this legislation. Nevertheless, they cannot avoid possible changes of established values in pesantren that have been socially reproduced for a long time. The authors argue that in the first two decades of the 21st century, Indonesian traditionalist Muslims have celebrated an important development in the pesantren tradition-based education, which received formal recognition in Indonesia’s national education system.
Democratic Dilemma of Malay Islamic Party: PAS, Coalition Pattern, and Rising Social Issues
Mohd. Izani Mohd. Zain;
Mohd. Daud Mat Din
Studia Islamika Vol 29, No 1 (2022): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University
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DOI: 10.36712/sdi.v29i1.16330
This article deliberates on how the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) embraces and weathers the challenges of democracy as a political culture beyond elections. The deliberation analyses the approach and behaviors of the party within a period of three general elections (GE), namely the GE12 in 2008, GE13 in 2013, and GE14 in 2018. Through qualitative approach and in-depth interviews with key PAS leaders, this article discusses PAS participation with the Pakatan Rakyat (PR), Muafakat Nasional (MN), and Perikatan Nasional (PN), which demonstrated the PAS’s unchartered undertaking to accept democracy as a political culture and not as a tool to achieve political power through an election. While it is trite to take the position that elections are the truest form of democracy, they can foster greater inclusivity, which can take place in both political and non-political realms.
Gus Yahya and the NU’s New Path: Note on the 34th Congress
Zezen Zaenal Mutaqin
Studia Islamika Vol 29, No 1 (2022): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University
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DOI: 10.36712/sdi.v29i1.26627
The 34th Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) Congress in Lampung was organized in an unusual situation. It was the first kind of NU congress organized in the era of a global pandemic. The date of congress itself was a subject of controversy and debated by competing candidates due to the lockdown, a standard measure taken by the government to control the spread of the Covid-19 virus. There was even an idea to postpone the congress altogether and asked K.H. Said Aqil Siradj, the incumbent leader, to stay indefinitely until the situation is back to normal. However, after a tussle and negotiation, finally, all factions agreed that the congress would be organized at the initial date planned by the Central Board of NU (Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama, PBNU), which was at the end of December (22-23 December 2021). At that time, the case of Covid-19 was relatively low, and the gap was perfect for a congress.
Contesting Ethnic and Religious Identities in the 2019 Indonesian Elections: Political Polarization in West Kalimantan
Zuly Qodir;
Hasse Jubba;
Mega Hidayati
Studia Islamika Vol 29, No 1 (2022): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University
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DOI: 10.36712/sdi.v29i1.12940
During Indonesia’s 2019 presidential election, significant religious and ethnic contestations occurred using hatred and stigma in expressing support for favored candidates. This article focuses on the case of West Kalimantan Province which has a divided society and memories of ethnic-based bloody communal violence in the early 2000s. This article notifies that wherein ethnic Dayak, Javanese, and Chinese voters tended to support Joko Widodo (Jokowi)-Ma’ruf Amin, while ethnic Malay, Madurese, and Buginese voters tended to back Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Uno up in the election. However, such ethnic and religious contestations in West Kalimantan did not generate violent conflicts during the election. Instead, voters continued to interact peacefully and harmoniously among different ethnic and religious groups. This contestation coincided with the emergence of political awareness among the Dayaks, Chinese, and Malays of West Kalimantan, which further contributed to Jokowi’s electoral victory. Nevertheless, this political contestation produced the political identity.
Navigating Against Salafi-Wahabi Expansion in Malaysia: The Role of State and Society
Kamarulnizam Abdullah
Studia Islamika Vol 29, No 1 (2022): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University
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DOI: 10.36712/sdi.v29i1.25213
This article argues that Salafi-Wahhabism’s political ideology has major effects on Malaysia’s socio-political orders. It also argues that the levels of resilience to the Salafi-Wahabi expansion are varied between state and society. At the level of society, resilience is weakened by multiple layers of grievances, which produced various effects brought by stages of reformist movements and terrors of neo-Salafi groups. The crucial indicator is its changing characteristics from being accommodative to a defensive one. The increasing tendency of Muslims embracing Salafi-Wahabism is the result of years of indoctrination, transnational Islamist networking, an external source of religious-funded activities, and the politicization of Islam. Yet this has been outweighed by the state’s resilience. Several attributes could explain the state’s ability to resist internal and external sources of radical ideologies, among others, long experience with terror threats, the state’s defined Islam, strong control on religious affairs, and the law enforcement that existed since the colonial periods.
Managing Islam In Singapore: A Strong And Resilient State
Norshahril Saat
Studia Islamika Vol 29, No 2 (2022): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University
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DOI: 10.36712/sdi.v29i2.25215
The Malay-Muslim community makes up about 13.4 per cent of the 5.6 million Singapore population. The relationship between the community and the state has been amicable, although there were instances of tension. Since the 1970s, it has undergone what observers portray as an Islamic resurgence. Drawing from Fukuyama’s state capacity paradigm, the Singapore state, led by the People’s Action Party (PAP) government, can be considered a strong state. The notion of ‘strong’ here does not necessarily mean illiberal or authoritarian state—as political observers represent it to be—but can also mean ‘effective’. This article examines Singapore’s effectiveness in managing state-Malay community relations particularly on issues of security and religiosity. It argues that the state’s strength does not derive from the use of hard power or legislations, but from its flexibility and deep knowledge of when, what and how to intervene. It concludes with a discourse on how the state deals with challenges to its strength in more recent political science framework about weakening the state or the end of power.