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Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
ISSN : 0126012X     EISSN : 2338557X     DOI : 10.14421
Al-Jamiah invites scholars, researchers, and students to contribute the result of their studies and researches in the areas related to Islam, Muslim society, and other religions which covers textual and fieldwork investigation with various perspectives of law, philosophy, mysticism, history, art, theology, sociology, anthropology, political science and others.
Articles 1,223 Documents
The Politics of Retaliation: the Backlash of Radical Islamists to the Deradicalization Project in Indonesia Masdar Hilmy
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 51, No 1 (2013)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2013.511.129-158

Abstract

This paper seeks to analyze how the program of deradicalization in Indonesia is approached, understood and treated by radical Islamists. This paper argues that the deradicalization program in this country has invited controversies, criticisms and even backlash from radical Islamists on the grounds that it goes against the principles of human rights because of state’s intervention into religious life of its citizens. In addition, it is carried out by violent method which mostly ends with killing the accused terrorists along with the arrest and ambush by security officers. In order to analyze the focus of the study, this paper employs socio-political approach. This paper finds that more thorough approach needs to be employed by the state within the framework of human rights. Therefore, the ideology of radical Islamism and terrorism must be dealt with from two sides; at the upstream and the downstream levels. At the upstream level, the program of deradicalization must be carried out within the framework of interdepartmental and ministerial partnership. This program should invite as many institutions as possible to be involved and reach as wide audience as possible. At the downstream level, the program of deradicalization must abide to human rights principles. The security approach taken by the government should not end with killing or dehumanizing terrorists. By doing so, the national program of deradicalization can appeal as wide sympathy possible and will not harvest backlash from the Islamists.[Artikel ini mendiskusikan bagaimana program deradikalisasi di Indonesia dipahami, dimengerti, dan disikapi oleh kalangan Islamis. Tulisan ini berasumsi bahwa program deradikalisasi yang dilakukan memincu kontroversi, kritik, bahkan memicu juga aksi balasan yang dilancarkan kalangan Islamis radikal. Beberapa kalangan menilai program tersebut melanggar prinsip hak asasi manusia karena merepresentasikan bentuk intervensi negara terhadap kehidupan beragama masyarakatnya. Lebih dari itu, beberapa program dilaksanakan dengan melakukan tindak kekerasan dan kerap berakhir dengan penangkapan, penganiayaan, bahkan pembunuhan tersangka teroris. Dalam menganalisis tema tulisan, pendekatan sosialpolitik digunakan. Artikel ini kemudian menemukan bahwa pendekatan yang berangkat dari nilai-nilai hak asasi manusia perlu dipertegas. Karena itu, ideologi islamis-radikal and terorisme harus dilihat melalui dua sisi secara bersama. Pada level atas, program deradikalisasi dilakukan dengan kerjasama antar lembaga dan kementerian terkait. Dengan begitu, program deradikalisasi diwujudkan dengan mengajak sebanyak-banyaknya lembaga untuk terlibat serta memperluas target audien. Pada level bawah, program deradikalisasi harus mematuhi prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pendekatan keamanan yang dominan dilakukan tidak harus berakhir dengan membunuh atau dengan melanggar hak asasi manusia yang juga melekat pada diri Islamis dan teroris. Dengan model seperti ini, program nasional deradikalisasi mampu memperoleh dukungan dan simpati masyarakat luas dan dapat meredam aksi balasan kalangan Islamis.]
Editorial: Muslim Scholars towards Western Interdisciplinary Approach Editor Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 44, No 2 (2006)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2006.442.vii-viii

Abstract

It could be spoken up that ulama of classical and medieval ages carried out interdisciplinary approaches in dealing with difficulties they had encountered in understanding Islamic texts or teachings. This could be indicated from a number of the ulama who possessed not only one expertise but more, such as an Arabic linguist who was also expert both in Islamic jurisprudence, quranic exegesis and Muhammadan tradition. Therefore, it was common sense that when they were interpreting quranic verses they not only exercised other quranic verses or Muhammadan tradition but also the Arabic linguistic or Islamic jurisprudence to catch the meaning of the verses they had been interpreting. However, in the recent era have occurred a lot of facts showing that Muslim scholars have exercised approaches of Western scholars. This is not a fault of them but their progressiveness and creativity to reach on what the ulama did not produce yet. Nevertheless, rarely would the Muslim scholars like to back their Islamic disciplines with braches of knowledge found by Western scholars significantly beneficial for the development of Islamic knowledge. Only those who have realized that to deal with the Western approaches is a necessity would like to do it.
Is Prophethood Superfluous?Conflicting Outlook on the Necessity of Prophethood between Badiuzzaman Said Nursi and Some Muslim Philosophers Fauzan Saleh
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.205-224

Abstract

As early as tenth century, Abū Bakr al-Rāzī (d. 925), a notable figure in Islamic philosophy, claimed that prophethood is entirely superfluous, since God imparted the gift of reason to humankind, and reason is enough to guide them. Al-Rāzī’s skeptical view sounds provocative, and thus worthy of further study. However, some other philosophers, like al-Farābī, Ibn Sīnā and Ibn Maskawaih, acknowledge the necessity of prophethood for the guidance of human life. Their idea, though formulated in different reasoning from the one held by Muslim theologians, indicates their acceptance of the authority of divine revelation. On the other hand, Said Nursi, one of the greatest Muslim reformers in the modern time, maintains that since “divine power does not leave the ant without leader, or bees without a queen, it surely would not leave mankind without prophet or code of law.” After all, the order of the world necessitates the existence of the prophets to preserve its solidity. This article will scrutinize more critically Nursi’s idea on the necessity of divine revelation that would enlighten human path to truth, to be compared with some ideas held by Muslim philosophers in discussing the relationship between reason and revelation, and its corollaries.[Filsuf besar dari abad ke-10, Abū Bakr al-Rāzī (w. 925), menyatakan bahwa diutusnya seorang nabi sebenarnya tidak perlu lagi, karena Tuhan telah menganugerahkan akal pada manusia yang akan mampu membimbing mereka. Pandangan skeptis dari al-Rāzī ini terdengar provokatif dan perlu dieksplorasi lebih lanjut. Namun, beberapa filsuf seperti al-Farabi, Ibnu Sina, dan Ibn Maskawaih mengakui perlunya nabi untuk membimbing manusia. Pandangan para filsuf ini, meski dengan nalar yang berbeda dengan para ahli teologi, mengindikasikan penerimaan terhadap otoritas wahyu ketuhanan. Di sisi lain, Said Nursi, seorang pemikir-reformis modern, menyatakan bahwa karena “kuasa Tuhan tidak pernah membiarkan sekawanan semut tanpa pemimpin, atau sekelompok lebah tanpa ratunya, maka pastilah manusia juga tidak akan dibiarkan tanpa seorang nabi atau syariat.” Lebih dari itu, tata dunia juga memerlukan kehadiran seorang nabi untuk menjaga soliditasnya. Tulisan ini akan melihat secara lebih dalam dan kritis mengenai pemikiran Said Nursi tentang pentingnya wahyu ketuhanan untuk menerangi langkah manusia menemukan kebenaran; kemudian dibandingkan dengan pandangan filsuf-filsuf muslim lainnya dalam membincang keterkaitan nalar dan wahyu dengan segala konsekuensinya.]
Editorial: How the Centre of Malaysian Politics Shifted to the Islamist Register 1969-2009 Editor Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 47, No 1 (2009)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

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Abstract

One of the most obvious observations that can be made about the form and content of Malaysian politics, political discourse and political culture today is how the country has shifted to a visibly more Islamist register, with the symbols and vocabulary of political Islam gaining prominence and visibility over the past four decades. This is particularly true in the case of Malaysia’s civil society space, which was once dominated by secular Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), mass movements and lobby groups. Today, however, we are looking at the relatively new phenomenon of a Malaysian civil society space which is increasingly being dominated by Islamist civil society movements that operate within the constitutional framework of the country but which are pushing for a clearly religious-communitarian agenda, namely the Islamisation of Malaysian society and politics. How did this come about?
On Minority and Majority Issues Editor Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

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Abstract

Strongmen and Religious Leaders in Java: Their Dynamic Relationship in Search of Power Yanwar Pribadi
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 49, No 1 (2011)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2011.491.159-190

Abstract

The central purpose of this paper is to explore the dynamic relationship between Javanese strongmen and religious leaders in search of power. Two groups of strongmen --jago in Central and East Java and jawara in Banten-- and religious leaders, such as kyai, tarekat teachers and guru ngaji are the subjects of this discussion. I present two groups of strongmen and religious leaders and sketch how both groups, through their socio-political as well as religious roles, preserve the values of the Javanese and Bantenese. Religious leaders and strongmen have been the source of informal traditional leadership, particularly in villages. Religious leaders have represented leadership in knowledge, while strongmen have represented leadership with regard to braveness and physical magical power. The most visible roles of the strongmen are as power brokers. In the meantime, religious leaders have to be aware of the risk of being alienated and isolated from their horizontal networks within religious circles, but also more importantly, that their high position in society will gradually fade away if they place themselves too close to strongmen and the authorities.
Piety, Politics, and Post-Islamism: Dhikr Akbar in Indonesia Noorhaidi Hasan
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 50, No 2 (2012)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2012.502.369-390

Abstract

Dhikr akbar has developed into a performance that provides the opportunity for the sharing of political ideas, thus helping to constitute and negotiate a new public sphere. It is one of the most remarkable developments in the public visibility of Islam in post-Suharto Indonesia. Involving reflexive actions which are significant in the construction of personal and social identity, the dhikr akbar has the ability to silently invoke relations, actions, symbols, meanings and codes, and also to bind in one symbolic package changing roles, statues, social structures and ethical and legal rules. An active religiosity which takes the form of peaceful, esoteric expressions, the dhikr akbar represents a new sense of piety. To some extent, it can be conceptualized as an alternative to religious fundamentalism, an outward-oriented activism tempted to change the society or existing system with one based on religion. Normally performed in a cultural space which attracts public esteem, it serves as a concentrated moment of communality and expression of a community’s faith and, at the same time, a means of empowering political, social and economic networks.[Dhikr Akbar berkembang menjadi ‘panggung’ di mana gagasan politik dapat disemai, karena itu berperan dalam mengokohkan dan menegosiasi ruang publik baru. Dhikr Akbar adalah salah satu bentuk ritual Islam di ruang publik yang berkembang pasca Orde Baru. Melalui aktifitas reflektif yang berperan dalam pembentukan identitas personal dan sosial, dhikr akbar mampu memunculkan relasi, aksi, simbol, makna, dan kode, sekaligus untuk mempertemukan kesemuanya dalam satu bentuk simbol peran yang berubah, status, struktur sosial, dan etika serta aturan hukum.  Sebagai satu bentuk religiusitas aktif yang berbentuk corak Islam yang tenang  dan berorientasi pada dimensi dalam-esoteris, dhikr akbar dapat disebut pula sebagai satu bentuk kesalehan baru. Bentuk kesalehan dapat juga merupakan bentuk keagamaan yang berbeda dengan fundamentalisme, yang berorientasi pada aktifisme dimensi luar dengan tujuan merubah masyarakat atau sistem yang berlaku dengan sistem yang dianggap Islami. Dhikr akbar yang biasanya diselenggarakan di ruang budaya menarik perhatian masyarakat. Kegiatan ini menjadi aktifitas yang mampu menyatukan komunalitas dan ekspresi agama serta pada saat yang sama, mempertemukan jaringan politik, sosial, dan ekonomi.
Lukisan Peleburan Cinta yang Erotik: Puisi Sufi di antara Estetika dan Etika Cinta Ilahiyah Abdul Wachid B.S.
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 43, No 2 (2005)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2005.432.475-499

Abstract

The ecstatic experience of a Sufi often drives him or her to producing such unusual sayings ordinarily called as shathiyya, which are sometimes problematic for common people. This is due to the fact that the expressions are not in common language; they are articulated in “the language of heart”, which is figurative and symbolic, since they state conative experiences. In this regard, love poems with their erotic expressions are chosen as a media for a Sufi’s reflection. In addition, the writer discusses the rationale of Sufis in connection with their erotic-love poetic illustrations. Some poems of Sufi Poets, such as those of Sana’i, Rabi‘a al-Adawiyya, Sa‘di, Jami‘,and Amir Hamzah, are elaborated for a further appreciation of the Sufis’ shathiyya.
Popular Religiosity in Indonesia Today: The Next Step after ‘Islam Kultural’? Farish A. Noor
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 2 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.532.283-302

Abstract

The phenomenon of popular Islam is seen everywhere in the Muslim world today, and expresses itself via a host of means ranging from fashion to architecture as well as new cultural norms that are deemed Islamic. In the case of Indonesia, the expansive growth of the ‘halal market’--pioneered by Islamic fashion and cosmetics-- has been a powerful variable factor, accounting for the emergence of a new Indonesian Muslim middle-class that has aspirations for upward social mobility as well as social capital. This paper locates the phenomenon of Indonesian pop Islam in the longer and broader history of Indonesia since the time of Suharto to the post-reformasi era of the present, and argues that pop Islam in Indonesia is a serious phenomenon worthy of study; as well as a good indicator of the trajectory of social development in the country. Though not everything that comes under this category may be classified as truly or wholly Islamic, the phenomenon nonetheless points to a growing sense of religious consciousness among the new urban Muslim middle-classes who see themselves as agents of change as well as religio-economic entrepreneurs.[Fenomena Islam popular terlihat di mana-mana di dunia Islam saat ini, dan itu diekspresikan lewat berbagai media seperti tata busana sampai arsitektur, juga termasuk aturan-aturan yang dianggap Islami. Pada kasus Indonesia, perkembangan trend halal-haram yang dimotori oleh dunia tata busana dan kosmetik menyebabkan munculnya kelas menengah baru yang membawa aspirasi itu ke atas sebagai modal. Makalah ini menempatkan Islam popular di Indonesia pada jangka panjang dan luas sebagai fenomena yang layak dijadikan bahan studi; begitu juga arah perkembangan di negara itu. Namun tidak semua di bawah kategori ini masuk dalam wilayah Islamis, namun tetap saja menunjukkan kesadaran keagamaan baru di perkotaan pada kelas menengah yang menganggap dirinya sebagai agen perubahan dan juga penggiat ekonomi agamis].
Governing Hajj: Politics of Islamic Pilgrimage Services in Indonesia Prior to Reformasi Era Moch Nur Ichwan
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 46, No 1 (2008)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2008.461.125-151

Abstract

This article highlights that the hajj (Islamic pilgrimage to Mecca) involves not only religious devotion, but also religious tourism and its associated business, necessary to deal with massive parties of pilgrims, embracing trans-national relations, central and local governments, flight and other travel agencies, pilgrimage guidance units, catering agencies and hotels to the pilgrims themselves in its scope. The aim of this article is to analyse the politics of hajj services, which was carried out mainly through the placing of this pilgrimage under government control, leading to the assumption of its monopoly by the government during the New Order period. Although it will focus on Soeharto period, there will be some discussions on this subject during the colonial and early post-colonial periods to trace the genealogy of government control of hajj pilgrimage (and ‘umrah, known also as ‘small hajj’), especially during the New Order.  The author argues that the complexities of hajj (and ‘umrah) services were not so much caused by religious aspect but rather by political and economic motives.

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