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Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Published by Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta
ISSN : 0126012X     EISSN : 2338557X     DOI : 10.14421
Core Subject : Religion, Humanities,
Religion Humanities
Al-Jamiah invites scholars, researchers, and students to contribute the result of their studies and researches in the areas related to Islam, Muslim society, and other religions which covers textual and fieldwork investigation with various perspectives of law, philosophy, mysticism, history, art, theology, sociology, anthropology, political science and others.
Arjuna Subject : Seni dan Humaniora - Studi Agama
Articles 1,223 Documents
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Religion, Science, and Culture: An Integrated, Interconnected Paradigm of Science Abdullah, Muhammad Amin
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 1 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.521.175-203

Abstract

Discussing the paradigm of dialogue and integration in the Islamic science of religion is important since the practice of religious education still applies the paradigm of conflict and independence. These paradigms have a great influence on the formation of socio-religious and cultural ways of thinking. The relationship between Islamic religiousc and natural, social, as well as cultural sciences, needs patterns of integrated, interconnected relations and dialogues. Islamic Studies requires a multidisciplinary approach, that is, interdisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity. Scientific linearity, in which science is narrowly defined and mono-disciplinary, will lead to an understanding of religion and religious interpretations that has no contact with and relevance to the context in which it is studied. New types of religious thought that encourage independent discussion and dialogue on the subjective, objective and intersubjective aspects of science and religion will create the emergence of a new type of religiosity in the multicultural era. All of this requires more effort to undertake a serious reconstruction of scientific methodologies and the methodologies of scientific studies of religion.[Penerapan paradigma dialog dan integrasi dalam ilmu-ilmu keislaman masih penting untuk didiskusikan mengingat praktik pendidikan agama masih menerapkan paradigm konflik dan independen. Paradigma-paradigma ini memiliki pengaruh yang besar dalam pembentukan cara pandang keagamaan, baik sosial maupun kultural. Hubungan antara ilmu-ilmu keislaman di satu sisi dengan ilmu-ilmu alam, sosial, dan budaya di sisi lain, memerlukan pola hubungan dan dialog yang terintegrasi-interkoneksi. Studi Islam mensyaratkan pendekatan multi disiplin, baik interdisipliner maupun transdisipliner. Linearitas keilmuan yang membatasi bidang ilmu secara sempit dan mono-disiplin akan menggiring pemahaman agama dan tafsir keagamaan yang tidak terkait dan tidak relevan dengan konteks pengkajian. Model baru pemikiran keagamaan yang mendorong dialog dan diskusi yang independen mengenai aspek-aspek subjektif, objektif, dan intersubjektif ilmu dan agama akan menciptakan munculnya model baru keberagamaan di era multicultural. Semua ini memerlukan lebih banyak upaya serius dalam merekonstruksi metodologi keilmuan dan metode-metode studi agama.]
Islam and Local Politics: In the Quest of Kyai, Politics, and Development in Kebumen, 2008-2010 Laila Kholid Alfirdaus
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 51, No 2 (2013)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2013.512.279-309

Abstract

The involvement of kyai (religious teacher) in political affairs has become prominent after the Indonesia reformation. With his charismatic images and long-maintained religious authority, kyai has amount of capital to easily enroll his self into politics without significant barriers. This becomes more evidence in the Indonesian political sphere after the reformation as the number of kyais serving as leaders in bureaucracy is increasing. However, their inclusion in politics does not always lead to the birth of greater impact on public policy. During the leadership of kyai in the governmental body, Kebumen -as a case study discussed in this article- has experienced late development, indicated by lessening development in terms of public infrastructure and social services.[Keterlibatan kyai dalam politik muncul secara masif sejak bergulirnya reformasi. Dengan kharisma dan otoritas keagamaan, kyai memiliki modal penting untuk terjun dalam politik tanpa kendala berarti. Inilah yang menjadi sangat jelas terkait peran kyai dalam politik, utamanya dengan semakin banyaknya jumlah kyai yang menjabat sebagai pimpinan birokrasi. Sayangnya, keterlibatan mereka kerap tidak menyebabkan lahirnya kebijakan publik yang relevan. Pada masa pemerintahan kyai sebagai bupatinya, Kebumen -yang menjadi lokus tulisan ini- mengalami ketertinggalan dalam pembangunan. Ini setidaknya ditandai dengan semakin melemahnya infrastuktur publik dan pelayanan sosial.]
Membangun Fikih yang Berorientasi Sosial: Dialektika Fikih dengan Realitas Empirik Masyarakat Z. Zubaedi
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 44, No 2 (2006)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2006.442.429-452

Abstract

The present article describes thoughts of what recently called as “social fiqh”, which its substance is an attempt to change qawly paradigm (namely following the sayings of scholars) to manhajy paradigm (following the methodology of scholars). The rise of such idea much concerns with formalistic and legalistic trends of common classical fiqh. The formalistic and legalistic approach to fiqh has encouraged people to manipulate the fiqh and make it separated from ethics as its philosophical base. As the consequence, fiqh becomes rigid and looses its power to provide society with truly effective rules. An epistemological remedy is necessary to break down the rigidity of fiqh and make it powerful to solve social problem.
A Postcolonial Biography of Sadrach: the Tragic Story of an Indigenous Missionary Emanuel Gerrit Singgih
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 2 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.532.367-386

Abstract

Nowadays, many Indonesian Christians are fully aware that evangelic mission in Indonesian context is to be involved in the dialogue of life with one’s neighbor and share their struggles. Sadrach, an indigenous missionary who lived in 19th century, can be seen as a pioneer in this mission method. However, this method was not accepted by the foreign missionaries at that time. They accused Sadrach’s method as a form of syncretism. This work is an attempt to analyze Sadrach’s biography in the framework of postcolonial theory which argues that Indonesian Christians have to learn about their colonial past and strive to maintain equal relationships with non-Indonesian Christians. It is hoped that his achievements can be appreciated by the present generation, and they will not repeat the mistakes of the past. It is also good to be aware that resistance to Sadrach’s mission nowadays will come from some contemporary international mission-bodies which continue the old way of propagating Christian faith without regard to the context of Indonesia.[Banyak orang Kristen sekarang ini sadar bahwa misi dalam konteks Indonesia adalah melibatkan diri dalam dialog kehidupan dengan sesama dan ambil bagian dalam pergumulannya. Sadrach, seorang penginjil lokal yang hidup pada abad ke-19 dapat dianggap sebagai salah satu pelopor metode misionaris seperti ini. Akan tetapi penyebaran misi ala Sadrach ini tidak diterima oleh para misionaris asing. Upaya seperti ini dianggap sebagai sinkretisme. Tulisan ini merupakan studi biografi Sadrach dalam kerangka teori poskolonial yang bertujuan untuk menunjukkan peranan Sadrach dalam penyebaran misi Injil di Indonesia. Diharapkan generasi sekarang akan belajar dari dan tidak mengulangi kesalahan-kesalahan masa lampau. Studi ini juga untuk menyadarkan bahwa perlawanan terhadap model misi Sadrach pada masa kini akan muncul dari badan-badan misi internasional yang tetap menjadi model-model misi Kristen yang tidak memedulikan konteks Indonesia sama sekali.]
Syed Muhammad Naquib al-Attas’ Semantic Reading of Islam as Din Aris Widodo
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 47, No 1 (2009)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2009.471.135-163

Abstract

This article presents Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas’ opinion on the scope of Islam --a discourse that has become a hot issue among Muslim scholars since fourteen centuries ago and strongly reappeared along with the presence of a work of an orientalist, H.A.R. Gibb. According to Al-Attas, semantic approach is the best way to figure out whether Islam only touches upon religious matters or also includes a notion of civilization, because it is through this approach that the connotation of Islam will become clearer. As Islam is explicitly mentioned in the Quran as din, so the best way to identify the scope of Islam is to study the word-focus of din from semantic approach. From this approach, Al-Attas concludes that Islam as din includes the connotation of civilization, as the word din is closely related to the word madinah, a word that is also closely related to the word tamaddun (civilization). In addition to presenting Al-Attas’ ideas, the writer of this article also gives a critical remark on Al-Attas’ contention that din (religion) and dayn (debt) are closely related as the two words have the same root: dana. According to the writer, this opinion is not even supported by Quranic verses, which become the basis for Al- Attas’ semantic construction. Qur’an itself speaks of the two words, din and dayn, in clearly two different connotations.
Discrepancy in State Practices: The Cases of Violence against Ahmadiyah and Shi’a Minority Communities during the Presidency of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono A'an Suryana
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 55, No 1 (2017)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2017.551.71-104

Abstract

Violence against Ahmadiyah and Shi’a minority communities escalated during the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. This study discusses discrepancy between local and central state officials in response to the violence. It found that officials at local states looked ignorant to the violence, while central state officials sent mixed signals: they appeared to be enthusiastic to protect the rights of Ahmadiyah and Shi’a adherents to practice their faiths respectively; but at other times, the officials adopted compromising stance. This study argues that this discrepancy stems from different challenges that each tier of the state had to face. Local state officials were indifferent to the plight of the minority communities due to their kinship; and local affinities to fellow Sunni residents. In contrast, central state officials had to cater to more heterogeneous constituents, and hence they were not immune to pressures from various quarters, including from human right activists and international community. As result, central state officials were ambivalent in responding to the violence. This research is based on a seven-month fieldwork in Ahmadiyah and Shi’a communities, respectively in Kuningan regency, West Java province and in Sampang regency, East Java province in 2013. The data was gathered through ethnography and in-depth interview with relevant sources. [Kekerasan terhadap kaum minoritas Ahmadiyah and Syiah meningkat dalam pemerintahan Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Studi ini mendiskusikan kesenjangan sikap aktor negara pusat dan lokal dalam menanggapi tindak kekerasan tersebut. Studi ini menemukan bahwa aktor negara di tingkat lokal terkesan tidak peduli dengan rentetan kekerasan tersebut, sementara aktor negara di tingkat pusat menunjukkan sikap yang ambivalen: di suatu waktu mereka terlihat antusias untuk melindungi hak-hak kaum minoritas untuk memeluk kepercayaan-nya masing-masing; di waktu yang lain mereka memperlihatkan sikap kompromistis terhadap pelaku kekerasan atas nama agama. Studi ini berargumen bahwa kesenjangan terjadi karena perbedaan tantangan sosial politik yang masing-masing harus dihadapi oleh aktor-aktor negara di kedua tingkatan yang berbeda tersebut. Aktor negara di tingkat lokal terkesan tidak peduli dengan nasib kaum minoritas karena mereka terpengaruh oleh keterikatan pertemanan atau kekerabatan dengan pelaku kekerasan, yang memiliki kepercayaan yang sama, yaitu Sunni, yang merupakan kepercayaan Islam yang mayoritas di daerah dimana kaum minoritas Ahmadiyah dan Syiah tinggal. Sebaliknya, aktor negara di tingkat pusat harus menghadapi konstituen yang lebih beragam dalam hal agama dan kepercayaan, dan juga dalam hal pemikiran sosial dan politik. Hal ini mengakibatkan aktor negara pusat mau tak mau harus menghadapi tekanan sosial dan politik dari berbagai pihak sehubungan dengan penanganan persoalan kaum minoritas, terutama dari pegiat hak asasi manusia dalam skala domestik maupun internasional. Akibatnya, aktor negara di tingkat pusat terkesan ambivalen dalam menanggapi maraknya kekerasan terhadap kaum minoritas di era Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, terutama kaum Ahmadiyah and Syiah. Studi ini berdasarkan kerja lapangan yang berlangsung selama tujuh bulan di tahun 2013, bertempat di pemukiman Ahmadiyah and Syiah di Kabupaten Kuningan, Jawa Barat dan Kabupaten Sampang, Jawa Timur. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan metode etnografi dan wawancara mendalam dengan sumber-sumber yang terkait dengan topik penelitian diatas.] 
Between ICMI and NU: The Contested Representation of Muslim Civil Society in Indonesia, 1990-2001 Arskal Salim
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 49, No 2 (2011)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2011.492.295-328

Abstract

This article discusses the concept of Muslim civil society in Indonesia by looking at differences in context between democratic and non-democratic regimes and by considering the diversity of Islamic interpretation of civil society and democracy. By looking at the dynamics within state-society relations and the process of democratisation, this article aims to clarify what kind of political actions correspond to the concept of civil society and help build a strong civil society in Indonesia in 1990s. Limiting its scope to the period from 1990 to 2001, the paper draws on two Muslim organisations (Nahdlatul Ulama and Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia) to explain why do Indonesian Muslims use the concept of civil society differently? How should Muslims perceive civil society vis-à-vis the state? Is it cooperation (participation) or opposition? Are both respective views equally legitimate? Given that Islamic doctrine may support the most varied of political outlooks, this study will point out that there is no single interpretation of the relationship between Islam and civil society or democracy. The article thus argues that differences between the two groups represent the diversity of Islamic interpretations of socio-political life.[Artikel ini membahas konsep “civil society” di Indonesia berdasarkan perbedaan konteks antara rejim demokratis dan otoriter serta menganalisis ragam interpretasi Islam mengenai civil society dan demokrasi. Melalui analisis dinamika hubungan rakyat-negara dan proses demokratisasi, artikel ini menjelaskan bentuk sikap politik yang sesuai dengan civil societydan mendorong terciptanya civil society yang kuat pada dekade 1990an di Indonesia. Diskusi dibatasi pada dua organisasi Muslim di Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (ICMI), dan hanya pada rentang 1990 hingga 2001. Pembatasan dilakukan guna menjawab mengapa Muslim di Indonesia menggunakan konsep civil society secara berbeda dan bagaimana mereka memandang bentuk relasi ideal antara negara-civil society; apakah kerjasama (partisipasi) ataukah oposisi? dan apakah kedua bentuk relasi tersebut sama-sama dapat dibenarkan?. Menyimak bahwa ajaran Islam dapat digunakan untuk mendukung berbagai pandangan politik, artikel ini menggarisbawahi bahwa interpretasi mengenai relasi Islam dan civil society/demokrasi adalah beragam. Karena itu, perbedaan antara NU dan ICMI dalam menterjemahkan konsep civil society merupakan cerminan perbedaan dan ragam interpretasi Islam terhadap kehidupan sosial-politik.]
Religious Networks in Madura: Pesantren, Nahdlatul Ulama, and Kiai as the Core of Santri Culture Yanwar Pribadi
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 51, No 1 (2013)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2013.511.1-32

Abstract

This paper addresses three institutions in Madurese santri culture: the pesantren (Islamic traditional education system), the Nahdlatul Ulama, and the kiai (tradisional Islamic authority). These three elements have characterised and become central part of both Islam and politics in Madura. The issues are raised in this paper: the nature of pesantren, the role of Nahdlatul Ulama, and kiais within the whole tradition of santri Islam in Madura. How does each of these elements form relationships with the others? These questions lead to answer the main question: Is Islam in Madura different from Islam in other places in Indonesia? Today, it seems clear that despite their rather changed perceptions of modern education, Islamic associations, and men of religion, Madurese people continue to preserve their sacred values, as the main three elements of the santri culture in Madura which have had a great influence on society, in both religious and worldly domains. The people share the view that Islamic law (shari’a) is fundamental to daily life and thus must be integrated in all aspects of life. However, like Islam in other places in Indonesia, the characteristic of Islam in Madura emphasizes primarily, but not exclusively, on aspects such as mysticism and local cultures.[Artikel ini menjelaskan tiga elemen penting budaya santri yang melekat pada masyarakat Madura, yaitu pesantren, mewakili elemen pendidikan Islam tradisional, Nahdlatul Ulama, mewakili organisasi Islam, dan kiai, merepresentasikan tokoh Islam. Ketiga elemen tersebut berjalin-kelindan dan membentuk relasi yang kompleks antara Islam dan politik sebagaimana dipraktikkan dalam masyarakat Madura. Dua persoalan penting yang hendak dijawab melalui artikel ini yaitu bagaimana karakter pesantren, Nahdlatul Ulama, dan kiai yang menjadi dasar Islam-santri di Madura dan bagaimana ketiga elemen tersebut saling terkait satu sama lain. Persoalan ini kemudian mengantarkan pada pertanyaan penting lainnya, yakni apakah Islam di Madura memiliki karakteristik dan bentuk yang berbeda dengan Islam yang hidup di wilayah lain di Indonesia? Sampai sekarang, meski masyarakat Madura mengalami pergeseran dalam menilai pendidikan modern, organisasi Islam, dan ulama, mereka masih tetap mempertahankan nilai-nilai sakral agama. Ini bisa dibuktikan dengan kuatnya pengaruh pesantren, Nahdlatul Ulama, dan kiai dalam urusan agama dan duniawi. Masyarakat Madura meyakini bahwa syariat Islam sangat penting dan perlu diterapkan dalam keseluruhan aspek kehidupan mereka. Namun, seperti Islam di wilayah lain di Indonesia, Islam di Madura juga sangat dipengaruhi oleh tasawuf dan budaya lokal.]
The Policies of Young Muslim Association in Europe for Its Indonesian Muslims in Dutch Society: A Re-examination S. Sujadi
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 44, No 1 (2006)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2006.441.53-71

Abstract

Di tengah langkanya organisasi-organisasi Muslim baik yang bersifat nasional maupun internasional di Belanda, Persatuan Pemuda Muslim se-Eropa (PPME) merupakan pengecualian. PPME muncul dengan identitas unik, yakni mencoba berkiprah sebagai organisasi payung bagi semua etnis muslim yang ada di Belanda, walaupun mayoritas anggotanya adalah Muslim Indonesia. PPME menegaskan dirinya sebagai organisasi yang tidak terlibat dalam urusan politik, baik gagasan maupun praktis. Identitas unik itu menempatkan PPME pada posisi yang tidak powerfull karena tidak ada dukungan dari satu negara Muslim. Pemerintah Belanda pun ragu memberikan subsidi karena eksistensinya tidak jelas. Selain itu, ia tidak akan punya satu wajah jelas yang harus ditampilkan sebagai identitas dari para pengurus dan anggotanya. Untuk itu, pengujian kembali (Re-examination) terhadap kebijakan-kebijakannya merupakan satu langkah yang penting untuk ditempuh, agar dapat di-review dan diperbaharui bila perlu. Melalui pengujian kembali tersebut, PPME diharapkan dapat meningkatkan dan memperjelas kiprah-kiprahnya dalam membangun kesadaran dan menjaga solidaritas para pengurus dan anggotanya sebagai Muslim minoritas.
Comparing Religious Education in Indonesia and Japan M. Agus Nuryatno
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.435-458

Abstract

This paper compares the way in which religious education has been performed in Indonesia and Japan in terms of context, theory, history, policy, practice, and impact. Generally speaking, the practice of religious education in the two countries is far different in that Indonesia has strong support to religious education, while Japan has weak support to the practice of religious education. This is due to the fact that not only the characteristics of the societies of the two countries are different, but also the two do embrace different state’s ideology. In addition families in the two societies play a crucial role in determining the existence and practice of religious education.[Tulisan ini membandingkan pengajaran agama antara Indonesia dan Jepang dalam hal konteks, teori, sejarah, kebijakan, dan pengaruhnya. Secara umum dapat dikatakan bahwa pendidikan agama di kedua negara ini sangat berbeda. Di Indonesia, pemerintah memberikan dukungan besar terhadap pendidikan agama, sementara pemerintah Jepang sangat kurang mendukung pendidikan agama. Hal ini tidak hanya dikarenakan karakter masyarakat dari kedua negara ini yang sangat berbeda, tetapi juga disebabkan ideologi dari kedua negara ini yang juga berbeda. Terlepas dari itu, di kedua negara ini lembaga keluarga memiliki peran yang cukup krusial dalam menentukan eksistensi dan pelaksanaan pendidikan agama.]

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