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Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
ISSN : 0126012X     EISSN : 2338557X     DOI : 10.14421
Al-Jamiah invites scholars, researchers, and students to contribute the result of their studies and researches in the areas related to Islam, Muslim society, and other religions which covers textual and fieldwork investigation with various perspectives of law, philosophy, mysticism, history, art, theology, sociology, anthropology, political science and others.
Articles 1,224 Documents
The Formation of PPME’s Religious Identity S. Sujadi
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 51, No 1 (2013)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2013.511.81-128

Abstract

The Persatuan Pemuda Muslim se-Eropa (PPME, Young Muslim Association in Europe) with its diverse religious backgrounds was established by many Indonesians living in the Netherlands. The organisation takes consideration not only the development of religious practices in Indonesia, but also the prevailing condition in the Netherlands in dealing its religious identity formation. The article focuses on how the organisation’s religious identitiy has been shaped. To deal with this issue, a historical approach is used, combining chronological presentation with analytical approach. This approach is in line with the objective of this research, i.e. to see the ways in which the PPME’s religious identity take shape through reading the bulletins and religious practices. Because of its residence in the Netherlands, the shaping of its religious identity has been dictated by neither political force nor agenda. This led to in acceptance of diverse and plural ideas within the organisation. This has entailed the occurrence of diverse religious identities. Adjustments to the Dutch contexts have been featured by PPME. As a consequence, memories of Indonesia have been adapted to the atmosphere of the Netherlands.[Persatuan Pemuda Muslim se-Eropa (PPME) dengan keragaman latar belakang orientasi keagamaan anggotanya adalah organisasi yang didirikan oleh orang-orang Islam Indonesia yang tinggal di Belanda. PPME memperhatikan tidak saja keberagamaan ala Indonesia, namun juga kondisi di Belanda, utamanya dalam menegaskan identitas keberagamaan mereka. Artikel ini menjelaskan bagaimana identitas keagamaan PPME tersebut dibentuk. Untuk mendiskusikan tema tersebut, digunakan pendekatan sejarah --pendekatan yang tidak hanya menyajikan hasil penelitian secara kronologis tetapi juga eksplanasi analitis. Pendekatan ini sejalan dengan tujuan penulisan artikel ini, yaitu mengidentifikasi metode pembentukan identitas keagamaan PPME. Hal ini dilakukan dengan mencermati bulletin yang diterbitkan PPME dan aktifitas keagamaan yang dilaksanakan. Karena hidup di Belanda, identitas keberagamaan PPME berjalan dengan alamiah, tanpa intervensi politik. Ini mengakibatkan pada penerimaan PPME terhadap keragaman cara pandang yang hidup dalam PPME. Yang terakhir, PPME berusaha keras untuk menyesuaikan identitas keberagamaan mereka dengan konteks Belanda. Konsekuensinya, memori tentang Indonesia itu akhirnya diadaptasi dengan situasi dan kondisi di Belanda.]
State Policies on Religious Diversity in Indonesia M. Mujiburrahman
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 46, No 1 (2008)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2008.461.101-123

Abstract

This article discusses how Indonesian state manages its religious diversity. The state policies on religious diversity cannot be understood without analyzing the history of how the founding fathers decided to choose Indonesia as neither secular nor Islamic country, but somewhere between the two. The author discusses three topics, namely the recognized religions, muslim's fear of christianization, and dialogue and inter-religious harmony. Based on the Decree No.1/1965, Confucianism was one of six religions recognized by the state. However, in the Soeharto era, around 1979, this religion was dropped from the list, and only after his fall Confucianism has been rehabilitated, and even the Chinese New Year has been included as one of the national holidays in Indonesia. In terms of muslim-christian relations, there were tensions since 1960s, particularly dealt with the issue of the high number of Muslims who converted to Christianity. It was in this situation that in 1967 a newly built Methodist Church in Meulaboh, Aceh, was closed by Muslims, arguing that the Church was a concrete example of the aggressiveness of Christian missions because it was built in a Muslim majority area. Since the Meulaboh case, the Muslims consistently insisted the government to accommodate their four demands: (1) restriction on establishing new places of worship; (2) restriction onreligious propagation, and control of foreign aid for religious institutions; (4) Islamic religion classes should be given to Muslim students studying in Christian schools; (5) inter-religious marriage should not be allowed. Apart from these contested issues, the government and religious leaders have been trying to avoid conflict and to establish cooperation and peace among religious groups in the country through inter-religious dialogues, either organized by the government or sponsored by the leaders of religious groups themselves. The author argues that specific socio-political contexts should be taken into consideration to understand state policies making concerning religious diversity. Hence, all debates and compromises achieved afterwards usually do not go beyond the neither secular nor Islamic compromise.
Expanding the Indonesian Tarbiyah Movement through Ta‘āruf and Marriage Suaidi Asyari; M. Husnul Abid
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 54, No 2 (2016)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2016.542.337-368

Abstract

This paper will shed light into the most current phenomena of how Islamist groups create and expand their influence and membership. In view of the Islamists like the Indonesian Tarbiyah movement, Islamisation of society and the state is the ultimate goal to be achieved. Families become the most important means of Islamisation. If all families have been successfully made “Islamic”, people and the country will follow suit. Preparing the family as the basis of making up society and the establishment of an Islamic state is, therefore, urgent. One of the ways is to match young men and women to get married through taʻāruf or “Islamic introduction”, which goes against the very popular trend of dating among youths nowadays. In addition to be practiced within Tarbiyah members, marriage is also promoted to the larger public. This group of Islamists use most contemporary modern media to expand their influence. By doing so, this kind of movement will have a tremendous and strong socio-political implication in the long run of Indonesian politics.[Tulisan ini mengkaji fenomena kontemporer tentang bagaimana sebuah kelompok (Gerakan Tarbiyah) membentuk dan meluaskan pengaruh serta keanggotaannya. Kelompok Islam tersebut melihat bahwa Islamisasi masyarakat dan Negara merupakan tujuan utama yang harus dicapai termasuk yang terpenting adalah keluarga. Mereka menganggap bahwa jika unit keluarga sudah menjadi ‘Islam’ maka masyarakat dan Negara secara otomatis akan mengikutinya. Oleh karena itu keluarga perlu disiapkan sebagai pondasi menuju masyarakat dan Negara yang Islamis. Salah satu cara paling awal adalah dengan memperkenalkan konsep Taʻāruf bagi muda mudi yang ingin menikah, sekaligus sebagai tandingan terhadap konsep ‘pacaran’ yang saat ini populer. Untuk mempromosikan konsep tersebut ke khalayak yang lebih luas, mereka pun menggunakan media yang paling modern dan masif. Sehingga gerakan mereka tampak kuat implikasinya dalam peta perpolitikan di Indonesia. ]  
Islam, Adat, and the State: Matrifocality in Aceh Revisited Eka Srimulyani
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 48, No 2 (2010)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2010.482.321-342

Abstract

Matrifocality has been a rooted tradition in the social history of the community in Aceh. The principles of matrifocality have also affected on how women are positioned in the community, and the socio-gender relation within the community. The fact that Aceh has strongly associated to the Islamic values that claimed to support the paternal traditions. Apparently, the Islamic values and the local matrifocality practices juxtaposed through the roles of adat, which considered as inseparable to Islamic law or teaching, or in local term known as zat ngeun sifeut. Another point in revisiting matrifocality in Aceh in Aceh is an examination of how gender state ideology, particularly during the New Order Regime disregarded some local gender practices across some ethnics in the archipelago. Meanwhile, the state also hegemonied and promoted particular gender state ideology such as state ibuism. Nonetheless, the modernity and social changes have also contributed to the shifting of some matrifocality practices in contemporary Acehnese society. However, since the matrifocality has a strong root in the social life of the community, the principles of the matrifocality still survived until currently, although it transformed into ‘new matrifocality’ practices.
Al-Ab‘ād al-Ṭā’ifiyyah al-Islāmiyyah fi’l-Thaurah al- Shu‘ubiyyah al-‘Arabiyyah 2010-2011 Ibnu Burdah
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 50, No 1 (2012)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2012.501.197-217

Abstract

Gerakan rakyat untuk perubahan di negara-negara Arab yang semula cenderung linier, personal, dan spontan pada perkembangannya menjadi amat kompleks akibat semakin banyaknya aktor dengan berbagai kepentingannya yang terlibat, isu yang berkembang, dan dimensi yang terkait. Salah satu dimensi baru dalam gerakan protes ini adalah dimensi sektarian Sunni-Syiah. Tulisan ini berupaya mengeksplorasi dan memberikan ekplanasi terhadap dimensi itu dengan memanfaatkan cara pandang realisme internasional dan tindakan kolektif terutama social movement. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa, pertama, kontestasi, ketegangan, dan konflik pengikut Suni-Syiah dalam konteks revolusi Arab tercermin pada kontestasi wacana, relasi diplomasi, hingga militer. Dimensi itu menurut hasil penelitian ini amat signifikan melampaui persoalan pluralisme kabilah yang pernah diramalkan al-Jabiry akan menjadi penghalang terbesar proyek masa depan Arab. Kedua, penjelasan terhadap realitas itu tidak bisa hanya mengacu kepada perbedaan ideologis antara dua sekte yang memang telah ada sejak lama, namun lebih merupakan konflik untuk mampu bertahan di tengah-tengah perubahan, kepentingan, pengaruh, dan dominasi kelompok di tengah panggung baru bernama ‘Revolusi Arab.’]
The Paradox Between Political Islam and Islamic Political Parties: The Case of West Sumatera Province Adri Wanto
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 50, No 2 (2012)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2012.502.329-368

Abstract

The aim of this paper is to explain the apparent paradox between political Islam and Islamic political parties in Indonesia. On one hand, the support for Islamic political parties is in decline, while, on the other religious intolerance and the implementation of local regulations based on the shari’ah laws have increased in many provinces. This paper argues that political Islam and Islamic political parties are not synonymous. Moreover, the aim of achieving an ideal society according to an Islamist’s vision and their religious interpretations does not only by adopt a top-down strategic model through participation in formal politics but also by using bottom-up strategic model by focusing on the societal level. By adopting gradualist approaches, hardliner Islamist ideas disseminate peacefully in Indonesia today. This study will focus on West-Sumatra as a case study, considering West Sumatra is one of the most widely province issued the shari’ah laws in Indonesia. This article will shed light on local and often underestimated dynamics.[Artikel ini menjelaskan paradoks antara Islam politik dan partai politik Islam di Indonesia. Jika pada satu sisi, dukungan terhadap partai politik Islam menurun, namun pada sisi berbeda tingkat intoleransi dan angka peraturan daerah berbasiskan syariah meningkat. Karena itu, artikel ini berargumen bahwa Islam politik dan partai politik Islam tidak selalu sejalan. Selain itu, cita-cita untuk mewujudkan masyarakat yang Islami tidak melulu harus diwujudkan dari atas-ke-bawah melalui partisipasi politik, namun juga dari bawah-ke-atas, yakni menitikberatkan pada level masyarakat. Dengan strategi gradual -perlahan-lahan-, gagasan fundamentalis Islam tanpa sadar telah menginfiltrasi. Artikel ini menjelaskan Sumatra Barat sebagai studi kasus persoalan di atas. Pilihan Sumatra Barat berdasarkan pada realitas bahwa di propinsi inilah, perda shari’ah paling banyak diberlakukan. Artikel ini akan berkontribusi pada diskusi mengenai politik lokal dan dinamikanya.]
The Political Economy of Sunni-Shi’ah Conflict in Sampang Madura Masdar Hilmy
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.27-51

Abstract

Many overlooked the fact that politico-economic factors played an important role behind the 2011 and 2012 Sunni-Shi’ah conflict in Sampang Madura. Some, however, argue that the Sunni-Shi’ah conflict was merely driven by theological factors. The major roots of the conflict thus were therefore the internal dimensions of religious beliefs as contained in its doctrines. As a result, the conflict can only be explained in terms of religious and theological framework. This assumption is commonly shared by the majority of Madurese Muslims by arguing that the island of Madura cannot host the believers of non-Sunni. In the aftermath of the conflict, the community of Shi’ah has been forced to seek refuge outside of the land of Madura. By doing so, many observers and the Madurese Muslims tends to have treated political and economic factors as peripheral that exacerbated the escalation of conflict. This article, however, argues vice-versa that it is not theology, but politics and economy, which mainly steered the conflict. Theology played a role in exacerbating the escalation of conflict. During the conflict, religious and theological arguments were deployed as a mobilizing force in order to justify the conflict. Furthermore, the existence of Shi’ah community in Sampang is regarded by the mainstream Sunni community as a threat to their long domination over the socio-political structure in that region. The paper, thus, perceives the conflict as the way the local elites maintain the established mode of production. This paper is qualitative research that employs political-economy as its main approach in analyzing the data. [Para pengamat banyak tidak melihat aktor politik dan ekonomi di balik konflik Sunni dan Syiah 2011 dan 2012 di Sampang Madura. Para peneliti bahkan beranggapan bahwa konflik Sunni-Syiah itu dilatari oleh faktor teologis. Ini artinya bahwa tiap kelompok memegang sistem kepercayaan yang berbeda. Akar utama dari konflik itu pada persoalan agama dan doktrinnya yang menyebabkan konflik. Walhasil, konflik hanya bisa dijelaskan dari kerangka keagamaan dan teologis. Asumsi ini banyak dipegang oleh mayoritas Muslim Madura dengan berasalan bahwa orang Madura tidak menerima selain Sunni, termasuk Syiah. Setelah konflik, masyarakat Syiah dipaksa untuk mengungsi ke luar pulau Madura. Dengan begitu, banyak pengamat dan juga masyarakat Muslim Madura melihat faktor politis dan ekonomi hanya pinggiran yang memperparah konflik. Artikel ini beranggapan sebaliknya, bahwa politis dan ekonomi merupakan faktor utama. Teologi hanya memperparah saja. Pada saat konflik, faktor teologis dan agamis digunakan sebagai kekuatan untuk mobilisasi dan menjustifikasinya. Selanjutnya, keberadaan komunitas Syiah di Sampang dianggap sebagai ancaman bagi dominasi Sunni pada struktur sosio politis daerah itu. Artikel ini menganggap bahwa konflik hanyalah sebagai sarana elit lokal untuk mempertahankan dominasi sistem ekonomi. Makalah ini pada dasarnya merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang melihat faktor politis ekonomis sebagai pendekatan dan analisis data].
Delivering Islamic Studies and Teaching Diversity in Southern Thai Islamic Schools Raihani Raihani; Promadi Karim; Sopyan M. Asyari; Nunu Mahnun
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 54, No 1 (2016)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2016.541.123-146

Abstract

Teaching religious and cultural diversities would possibly be one of the greatest challenges to teachers of Islamic in Southern Thai Islamic schools due to the strong Islamic ideology they hold, lack of proper training for their professional growth, and the ongoing ethno-political conflict in the area. This paper explores how such a challenge has been faced. It particularly describes the teaching process of Islamic studies in Thai Islamic schools and explores opportunities within it for promoting religious and cultural diversities. We also look into possible opportunities for Islamic teachers to teach and students to learn about the diverse reality of society. We found that the deliveries of Islamic fell squarely within the concept of teaching into religion using a heavy confessional approach. Indoctrination with a little encouragement of critical thinking was common in Islamic classes. The presentation of other faiths and cultures was designed to explore their weaknesses and fallacies from a single believed-Islamic perspective.[Pengajaran keragaman budaya dan agama merupakan sebuah tantangan besar bagi guru pendidikan keislaman pada sekolah di Thailand Selatan, seiring dengan pemahaman keislaman mereka yang kuat, kesenjangan tingkat perkembangan profesionalitas, dan konflik politik etnik di daerah tersebut. Tulisan ini mengetengahkan persoalan yang mereka hadapi, khususnya deskripsi proses pengajaran studi keislaman di sekolah Islam lokal dan peluang dalam promosi keragaman budaya dan agama. Tulisan ini juga melihat kemungkinan peluang bagi guru agama Islam dan anak didiknya untuk saling belajar dari realitas keragaman dalam masyarakat. Kami menemukan bahwa menyampaikan pengetahuan keislaman harus tepat dengan konsep pengajaran bagi pemeluk agamanya menggunakan pendekatan keyakinan yang lurus. Indoktrinasi dengan sedikit dorongan pemikiran kritis merupakan kewajaran dalam kelas agama. Presentasi agama dan budaya lain didesain untuk eksplorasi kekurangan dan kesalahan dari perspektif yang monolitik.]
Islamic Radicalism in Southeast Asia: With Special Reference to the Alleged Terrorist Organization, Jamā'ah Islāmiyah Akh Muzakki
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 42, No 1 (2004)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2004.421.61-87

Abstract

Pemboman WTC 11 September 2001 telah melahirkan sebuah stigmaterhadap Islam, yaitu teroris dan al-Qaeda sebagai tertaduh. Di AsiaTenggara, kasus bom Bali juga mengidentifikasi adanya jaringan al-Qaedayang kemudian dikenal dengan nama Jama'ah Islamiyah. Banyak teori yangdikemukakan oleh ilmuwan-ilmuwan di berbagai belahan dunia tentangfenomena radikalisme Islam ini. Di antara teori tersebut mengatakanbahwa radikalisme agama yang terjadi di berbagai belahan duniamerupakan resistensi agama terhadap lsu modernisasi dunia. Di AsiaTenggara, munculnya radikalisme Islam lebib dipicu oleh sikap sikappermerintah terhadap umat Islam. Walaupun demikian, Jama'ah Islamiyahtetap merupakan misteri; eksistensinya tidak bisa dibuktikan, namunfenomenanya ada di mana-mana. Banyak pihak akhirnya mengaitkankeberadaan Jama'ah Islamiyah dengan keberadaan berbagai pesantrengaris keras di Indonesia. Artikel ini berusaha untuk mengidentifikasihubungan antara keberadaan organisasi Jama'ab Islamiyab dengatkelompok-kelompok teroris yang akhir-akhir ini telah memperburuk citraIslam.
Gender Construction in Dakwahtainment: A Case Study of Hati ke Hati Bersama Mamah Dedeh Dicky Sofjan
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 50, No 1 (2012)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2012.501.57-74

Abstract

This case study examines the phenomenon of dakwahtainment, a concept amalgamating Islamic propagation and entertainment. It focuses on the highly popular daily live programme entitled Hati ke Hati Bersama Mamah Dedeh (literally: Heart to Heart with Mother Dedeh). The programme involves a female penceramah (preacher) providing taws}iyyah or nasehat (spiritual advice) to the jamaah (congregation), while offering religious verdicts on various aspects of life confronting Indonesian women. One of the main pillars of the programme’s success has been its tightly observed winning formula held dearly by the producer and the creative team, which stipulates 70% tuntunan (spiritual guidance) and 30% tontonan (entertainment viewing). Based on an exploratory, single case study design, research findings suggest that the Hati ke Hati Bersama Mamah Dedeh programme is constructed on a gendered understanding that is inconsistent and contradictory, which tend to simultaneously empower and disempower Muslim women viewers.[Tulisan ini merupakan studi kasus mengenai dakwahtainmen yang mempertemukan dakwah pada satu sisi dan hiburan pada sisi lainnya. Diskusi akan difokuskan pada program televisi “Hati ke Hati Bersama Mamah Dedeh.” Program ini melibatkan penceramah yang menyampaikan taws}iyyah dan nasehat yang merespon persoalan-persoalan yang kerap dihadapi perempuan Muslim di Indonesia. Salah satu kunci kesuksesan program ini adalah keberhasilan produser dan tim kreatif yang memadukan 70% tuntunan dan 30% tontonan. Tulisan ini menemukan bahwa program Hati ke Hati Bersama Mamah Dedeh dikonstruk berdasarkan pengertian relasi gender yang rancu dan saling bertentangan. Karena itu, program ini dapat memberdayakan pemirsa perempuan dan sekaligus memperlemah mereka.]

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