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INDONESIA
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Published by Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
ISSN : 18295088     EISSN : 25033883     DOI : -
Core Subject : Science, Education,
Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Library & Information Science
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 391 Documents
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Memahami Problematik Kejahatan Transnasional: Perdagangan dan Penyelundupan Orang di Cina Nizmi, Yusnarida Eka
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0087.67-77

Abstract

This research describes about two kind of human crimes which are related each other trafficking and smuggling people in China. There are three main ideas that will be explored. First, this article analyses the causes and effects of trafficking and smuggling people that controlled by Snakeheads. Second, it focuses on the effects of trafficking in Fujian and Yunnan. Third, it explains the efforts that seriously done by China government in solving trafficking and smuggling people. It is important to examine this topic because trafficking involves horrible exploitations to women and children as the most vulnerable groups in China. Being modern society, trafficking rises as a new slavery in China.
Konsep “Keikutsertaan Langsung dalam Permusuhan” dan “Prinsip Pembedaan” dalam Konflik Bersenjata Indrawan, Jerry
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 4, No 2 (2015): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2015.0077.171-178

Abstract

In the contemporary war is very difficult to determine who those parties who participated in a war, which is commonly known as combatants. Combatants task is to fight and advance to the battlefield (including if it should hurt, destroy, carry out other military action, even if it should kill the enemy though); because if not, then they will be the target of an enemy attack. The term, “to kill, or to be killed”. All those who belong to the class of combatants is the target or object of attack, so that when combatants killed combatants of the enemy in a war situation, then it is not an unlawful act. Instead, the group called the civilian population (civilian) are the ones who should not participate in the battle so there should not be subjected to violence or object. It is very important to point out because the name of war, are merely apply to members of the armed forces of the countries in dispute. While the civilian population, which is not participating in the hostilities must be protected from the actions of the war. This paper will discuss how the concept of direct participation in hostilities and the principle of distinction set in armed conflict, particularly non-international armed conflict, within the framework of international humanitarian law (the laws of war).
Strategi Rebalancing Amerika Serikat di Kawasan Asia-Pasifik Planifolia, Vanilla
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61101

Abstract

This paper will discuss why the United States changed its foreign policy from the Middle East to Asia-Pacific region. The dynamic of the region shows that China plays an important role along with its national capability improvement. The increase in China's national capability is seen as a challenge to national interests, as well as security for the United States alliance states in the Asia-Pacific region. Using an analytical framework based on the Balance of Threat theory, the author concludes that there is a strong relation between China's national capability improvements with the implementation of US rebalancing strategy to the Asia-Pacific region.Tulisan ini mencoba menganalisa alasan Amerika Serikat mengubah fokus kebijakan luar negerinya dari Kawasan Timur Tengah ke Kawasan Asia-Pasifik. Dinamika kawasan yang terjadi, China memegang peran penting seiring dengan peningkatan kapabilitas nasionalnya. Peningkatan kapabilitas nasional China tersebut dilihat sebagai tantangan bagi kepentingan nasional, sekaligus keamanan bagi negara aliansi Amerika Serikat di Kawasan Asia-Pasifik. Dengan menggunakan kerangka analisa berdasarkan teori Balance of Threat, penulis menyimpulkan bahwa terdapat keterkaitan yang sangat kuat antara peningkatan kapabilitas nasional China dengan penerapan strategi rebalancing Amerika Serikat ke Kawasan Asia-Pasifik.
Religious Movements in Humanitarian Issue: The Emergence of Faith-Based Organizations (FBO) in Diplomacy Sphere Munthe, Fredy
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 2 (2016): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.5295

Abstract

Faith-Based Organization (FBO) has a strong role in conducting humanitarian Diplomacy. However, the strong role of nation-state in that sphere ignored the emergence of FBO. Until now, there is no text that explicitly discuses the emergence of FBO in humanitarian diplomacy. All of text only discusses the issue FBO and humanitarian action. In fact, there is no humanitarian aid if there is no humanitarian diplomacy previously. Therefore, this paper traces the emergence of FBO as the actor of humanitarian diplomacy. This paper analyzes the perspective of diplomacy and the impact to the emergence of FBO as the actor. I use literature review to get data about it. This paper is useful for strengthen position of FBO as the non-state actor in humanitarian sphere as well as in diplomacy Organisasi berbasis agama (FBO) memiliki peran yang kuat dalam melakukan diplomasi kemanusiaan. Namun, kuatnya peran yang dimiliki negara-bangsa dalam lingkup diplomasi mengabaikan kemunculan FBO sebagai salah satu aktor. Sampai saat ini, belum ada teks yang secara eksplisit membahas munculnya FBO dalam diplomasi kemanusiaan. Semua teks hanya membahas masalah FBO dan aksi kemanusiaan. Namun faktanya, tidak ada bantuan kemanusiaan jika tidak ada diplomasi kemanusiaan sebelumnya. Oleh karena itu artikel ini mencoba untuk melacak munculnya FBO sebagai aktor diplomasi kemanusiaan. Artikel ini menganalisis perspektif diplomasi dan dampaknya terhadap kemunculan FBO sebagai aktor. Untuk melakukannya penulis menggunakan kajian literatur untuk mendapatkan data tentang hal tersebut. Artikel ini berguna untuk memperkuat posisi FBO sebagai salah satu aktor non-negara dalam ruang kemanusiaan begitu pula diplomasi
Neoliberal Policy of Indonesia’s Agricultural Revitalization Winarno, Budi
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0083.30-39

Abstract

This paper discusses Indonesian food agricultural policy, particularly since the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) administration. Influenced by the powers of global political economy, Indonesia has been dictated to practice neoliberal policies, including those in agricultural sector. The government had launched a policy of agricultural revitalization to encourage agricultural productivity through a private involvement. This study concludes that the agricultural revitalization is just a short-term pragmatic policy and serves the neoliberal ideology. It is not solve the major problems of food security and of rural life. What has to be done by the government is a long-term attempt and planning to strengthen the productivity and production of food agriculture and to improve the life of poor peasants in rural areas—the majority of Indonesian population. Essentially, the attempt and planning has to be directed into two basic problems on food security in Indonesia, which are the problem of ‘food access’ and ‘peasant vulnerability’.
Labour Migration from Indonesia to South Korea: Challenges in Maximizing Potentials Yazid, Sylvia
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61106

Abstract

Analisa tentang mengapa seseorang bermigrasi untuk bekerja di negara lain umumnya dilakukan melalui pencarian dan pendeskripsian faktor-faktor “push” dan “pull” , di mana pendapatan rendah dan pengangguran yang tinggi menjadi faktor pendorong dan pendapatan tinggi dan pengangguran yang rendah menjadi faktor penarik. Ini dapat digunakan untuk menjelaskan alasan umum bagi migrasi tenaga kerja yang bersifat sementara namun tidak cukup untuk menjelaskan lebih lanjut mengapa seseorang memutuskan bermigrasi ke suatu negara dan bukan ke negara lainnya. Inilah yang dihadapi Indonesia dan Korea Selatan. Walaupun masih banyak orang yang mencari pekerjaan di Indonesia dan Korea Selatan masih membutuhkan pekerja asing, jumlah orang Indonesia yang bekerja di kategorikan kecil bila dibandingkan dengan jumlah di negara penerima lainnya di kawasan seperti Malaysia, Singapura, Hong Kong dan Thailand. Asumsinya terdapat sejumlah faktor yang menghalangi terwujudnya dampak maksimum dari faktor pendorong dan penarik ini. Tulisan ini menganalisa faktor-faktor penghambat tersebut, terutama terkait dengan tingginya persyaratan yang ditetapkan oleh Korea Selatan dan keterbatasan kemampuan untuk memenuhi persyaratan ini dari sisi Indonesia. Pemahaman tentang faktor-faktor penghambat ini akan dapat berkontribusi bagi upaya meningkatkan jumlah pekerja Indonesia di Korea Selatan, yang dapat dianggap sebagai negara yang cukup aman untuk tempat bekerja. An analysis of why people migrate to work in another country is commonly conducted through a listing and description of the push and pull factors, with low income and high unemployment being the push factors and high income and low unemployment being the pull factors. It can be used to explain in general the reasons for temporary labour migration but not to explain why people choose to migrate to a certain country, instead of the others. This is the case of South Korea and Indonesia. There is still a number of Indonesian workers seeking for employment abroad, and there is also a high demand for foreign workers in South Korea. However, the number of Indonesians working in South Korea can still be considered small if compared to the numbers of Indonesians working in other countries in the region, such as Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong and Taiwan. The assumption is that there are factors that hinder maximum impacts of this push and pull factors. This paper looked into these hindering factors which are mainly related to the high requirements from the South Korea side and the inability to fulfill the requirements from the Indonesia side. An understanding of these hindering factors may contribute to the efforts of increasing the number of Indonesians working in South Korea, which is considered as a reasonably safe country to work in.
Reconstructing the Iraqi Political System The Post-Saddam Era: The Role of the United States and the Coalition Forces Jalal Nori, Abdul Wahed
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 4, No 2 (2015): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2015.0073.130-135

Abstract

The literature review about post-Saddam political system deals largely with the role of the United States and the coalition forces in establishingand stabilizing the country’s political system and its proper functioning. However, works referring to the institutions, processes and procedures of the political system are very few. There are occasional references toIraqi politics, but there are no many in-depth studies providing an analysis of the nature of the political system and its expected outcomes. The few works in the area do not differentiate between the three dominant ethnic groups and their concerns vis-à-vis the country’s internal organization and its future. Placing them in the same box as is often done is tantamountto equalizing centrifugal and centripetal forces, ignoring current history and obstructions created by colonial power.
The Critical Role of G-20 in Dealing with the 2008 Global Financial Crisis Taufik, Taufik; Priangani, Ade; Gupta, Gede Endy Kumara
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 2 (2017): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.62111

Abstract

Strategi G-20 dalam mengatasi krisis keuangan telah dinyatakan pada kesepakatan KTT G-20 2008-2009 dengan adanya tiga pertemuan selama periode tersebut berlangsung (Washington, London dan Pittsburgh). Bersama dengan beberapa lembaga termasuk IMF, WB, FSB, OECD dan MDB, G-20 mampu menangani krisis tersebut baik di tingkat nasional maupun internasional. Pada saat yang bersamaan G-20 pun mampu mempertahankan koordinasi berdasarkan lima prinsip yang disepakati dalam KTT 2008 di Washington. Tulisan ini berfokus pada kontribusi G-20 sebagai alat koordinasi sekaligus aktor langsung dalam manajemen krisis, serta menyoroti peran negara-negara anggotanya. Deskripsi masalah ini akan dibagi menjadi empat bagian. Pertama, pandangan singkat tentang tujuan pembentukan G-20 dan penyebab krisis sebagai latar belakang tulisan ini; Kedua, kontribusi G-20 untuk penyelesaian krisis keuangan global; Ketiga, deskripsi hasil dari tiga kesepakatan G-20 (komunike) pada tahun 2008-2009 sebagai dasar dari strategi penanganan krisis keuangan global untuk G-20 dan lembaga internasional terkait; dan Keempat merupakan bagian analisis strategi G-20 yang kemudian menghasilkan prinsip-prinsip dasar manajemen krisis pada masalah yang diajukan dalam penelitian ini.The G-20 strategy in overcoming the financial crisis has been declared on the agreement of 2008-2009 G-20 Summit with three meetings over that period (Washington, London and Pittsburgh). In handling the crisis, the G-20 was in collaboration with several institutions including the IMF, WB, FSB, OECD and MDB. G-20 was able to make good efforts both nationally and internationally while maintaining coordination based on five principles agreed in 2008 Summit in Washington. This paper focuses on the contribution of the G-20, both as a coordinating tool, as a direct actor on crisis management, as well as the role of member countries. The description of these issues will be divided into four sections, First, a brief look at the purpose of the G-20's establishment and the causes of the crisis as the background of this paper; Second, the G-20's contribution to the settlement of the global financial crisis; Third, a description of three outcomes of the G-20 (communiqués) agreement in 2008-2009 as the foundation of the global financial crisis handling strategy for both G-20 and related international institutions; and Fourth, the analytical part of the G-20 strategy which then produced the basic principles of crisis management on the problems in this study.
Latar Belakang Peran Aktif Jepang di Anti-Piracy Asia Tenggara dalam Perspektif Konstruktivisme Swastika, Mayora Bunga
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 2 (2017): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.62114

Abstract

This article explains the identity of Japan that influences Japan's active role in Southeast Asia anti-piracy. Japan has been making efforts to fight against piracy in the Southeast Asia waters, such as dialogue partnerships, capacity building, and joint exercises with Southeast Asian countries. Japan also initiated the establishment of the Regional Cooperation Agreement to Combat Hijacking and Armed Robbery against Ships (ReCAAP). This evokes a question, why does Japan as an East Asia country join and make efforts to combat piracy in Southeast Asia? The purpose of this article is to understand the reasons behind state efforts about an issue in other regions. Identity theory used in this article to analyze the reasons for Japan’s active role in Southeast Asia anti-piracy. This article uses literature study by collecting related data, such as Japan’s role in Southeast Asia anti-piracy. This article shows that Japan's identity as a maritime country is influencing Japan’s behavior to participate actively in Southeast Asia anti-piracy cooperation.  Artikel ini menjelaskan tentang identitas Jepang yang mempengaruhi peran aktif Jepang dalam upaya anti-piracy di wilayah Asia Tenggara. Jepang telah melakukan upaya untuk menangani perompakan yang terjadi di wilayah laut Asia Tenggara. Upaya yang dilakukan Jepang seperti dialog-dialog, capacity building, latihan bersama dengan negara-negara Asia Tenggara. Jepang juga menginisiasi pembentukan Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships (ReCAAP). Hal ini menimbulkan pertanyaan, mengapa Jepang sebagai negara di Asia Timur ikut menangani perompakan di wilayah Asia Tenggara? Tujuan dari artikel ini adalah untuk memahami alasan negara melakukan upaya-upaya menangani suatu isu di kawasan lain dan memahami kepentingan negara dalam suatu kerja sama. Teori identitas digunakan untuk menganalisis alasan Jepang berperan aktif menangani perompakan di Asia Tenggara. Artikel ini menggunakan studi pustaka dengan mengumpulkan data-data yang terkait dengan peran yang telah dilakukan oleh Jepang di kawasan Asia Tenggara untuk menangani perompakan. Pada akhirnya, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa identitas Jepang sebagai negara maritim mempengaruhi perilaku Jepang ikut berperan aktif dalam menangani perompakan di wilayah Asia Tenggara. 
Haluan Baru Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia: Perbandingan Diplomasi ‘Middle Power’ Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan Joko Widodo Alvian, Rizky Alif; Putri, Ganesh Cintika; Ardhani, Irfan
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 2 (2017): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.62112

Abstract

This article attempts to identify changes in Indonesia’s middle power diplomacy strategy under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo. This phenomenon is important to be studied because President Yudhoyono and President Widodo proposed different visions of Indonesia’s foreign policy, yet similarly perceived Indonesia’s position as a middle power country. Using border and maritime diplomacy as well as democracy, Islam, and human rights as case studies, this article argues that the strategy of Indonesia’s middle power diplomacy experienced a shift in orientation from—to use Krasner’s terminology—relational power to meta-power. While Indonesia under Yudhoyono previously attempted to gain benefits by following established rules, Indonesia under Widodo tried to pursue its interests by influencing, altering, or crafting rules in international politics.Artikel ini berupaya mengidentifikasi perubahan strategi diplomasi middle power Indonesia di bawah Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan Joko Widodo. Fenomena ini penting untuk dikaji karena Presiden Yudhoyono dan Joko Widodo mengajukan visi yang berbeda mengenai politik luar negeri Indonesia, tetapi sama-sama memaknai posisi Indonesia sebagai negara middle power. Dengan menggunakan isu diplomasi perbatasan dan maritim serta demokrasi, Islam, dan hak asasi manusia sebagai studi kasus, artikel ini berargumen bahwa strategi diplomasi middle power Indonesia mengalami pergeseran orientasi dari—meminjam terminologi Krasner—relational power menuju meta-power. Apabila Indonesia di bawah Yudhoyono sebelumnya berupaya meraih lebih banyak keuntungan dengan mengikuti aturan main yang mapan, Indonesia di bawah Widodo kini berusaha mencapai kepentingannya dengan cara mempengaruhi, mengubah, atau membangun aturan main dalam politik internasional.

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